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An Interview with Ahmed Issack: Chairperson of the Independent Electoral Commission of Kenya

By Adan Makina

July 27, 2012

WardheerNews

WardheerNews (WDN): welcome to WardheerNews Mr. Ahmed Issack. Could you please share with our esteemed readers the importance of the Independent Electoral Commission of Kenya?

Ahmed Issack: The IEBC is an independent body established by the Constitution with the mandate to manage and conduct elections and referenda in the country. It also has the mandate to undertake review of constituency and county assembly ward boundaries, every 8 to 12 years, or periodically for the case of county assembly ward boundaries. The Constitution emphasizes that the sovereign authority of the people of Kenya is exercisable directly or through their elected representatives. The same Constitution provides a devolved system of Government, a two-tier legislature, and an electoral system with a semblance of a mixed member proportional representation providing for categories of special seats. This has translated to a system where Kenyans would vote for six (6) elective positions, all in one day. The specific role of the Commission therefore is to get Kenyans registered for the elections, regulate nomination process of candidates and the campaign period and finally, conduct their elections into office. While doing all this, the Commission is also required to create public awareness on the elections and the manner of voting.

WDN: How did the members of the Electoral Commission come about? Could you give us a brief background of members of the commission, what parties they represent and if there are any members who don’t belong to any party?

Ahmed Issack: Unlike in the past where membership represented interests of different political parties, members of IEBC are appointed through a competitive process through a Selection Panel. The Selection Panel is appointed by the President in consultation with the Prime Minister (this applies until after the first elections) and with the approval of the National Assembly. The Panel is facilitated by the Public Service Commission. The Panel is required to advertise for the positions of the Chairperson and

members of the Commission in newspapers of national circulation within seven days of their appointment. The Panel shortlists candidates and submits to the President 3 names for Chairperson and 13 names for members of the Commission. The President nominates the Chairperson and 8 members and tables the names before the National Assembly for vetting and approval. The National Assembly then vets and approves/rejects name(s). In case of rejection, the President can draw other names from the remaining list forwarded by the Selection 2 Panel. If all the names forwarded to the President by the Panel are rejected, the Selection Panel is required to send fresh names to the President from those shortlisted. The list of nominees is required to observer regional and ethnic diversity, and gender balance (at least one-third to be of opposite gender).

WDN: The commission you head is independent-meaning it is free, autonomous or self-regulating. Since Kenya is a land that is known for corruption, exploitation, and malfeasance, do you think the Electoral Commission will carry out its activities without government involvement?

Ahmed Issack: The Commission has institutional and functional independence but not yet financial independence. The budget is a subject of negotiation with the relevant agencies. The Elections Act however has established a Fund of the Commission, which is a charge on the Consolidated Fund. In this regard, the Commission is looking forward to financial independence.

WDN: How prepared is the Electoral Commission for the upcoming elections?

Ahmed Issack: Despite the budgetary constraints, the Commission is prepared and committed to deliver a credible election. The legal framework is in place and the attendant Regulations will be approved by the National Assembly by September. Procurement of election materials and personnel is ongoing, voter education materials and operational manuals are in place, capacity building and training of staff has commenced, and accreditation of observer groups is ongoing. The boundaries cases have now been concluded save for a few appeals filed. The Commission is about to roll out voter education on the elections and sensitization on voter registration and on the manner of voting. The Commission is in the process of mapping polling stations in preparation for the registration exercise in 40,000 polling stations. The Commission is also preparing a vote tabulation system that would allow transmission of results of all the six (6) elective positions in over 300 tallying centers countrywide. The Commission has put in place dispute resolution mechanisms including setting up an Electoral Code of Conduct Compliance and Enforcement Committee, Dispute Resolution Committee, Peace Committees, Conflict Management Panels, etc. Some of these are cascaded to the County and/or Constituencies for effective management of electoral disputes as and when they arise. The Commission works closely with strategic partners in election, including relevant Government agencies with some role in electoral related matters such as in security, issuance of ID cards, schools (which are the primary premises for polling stations), transport and logistics, etc.

WDN: How many polling stations have been reserved for this mammoth exercise?

Ahmed Issack: The Commission will be increasing the number of polling stations from the current 23,000 to 40,000 polling stations. This will address issues of voters walking long distances to access registration centers/polling stations and to allow adequate time for them to cast their vote.

WDN: How is the anticipated democratic election that is to be held next year different from past high-handed elections of the Kenyatta and Moi years?

Ahmed Issack: The competitive nature of the appointment process will greatly enhance the independence of the Commission. The electoral reforms now in place will further ensure enhanced compliance with the rules and regulations on elections. The Commission has now employed Returning Officers on permanent and pensionable terms in order to make them more accountable for their actions. In addition, the law now imposes heavy sanctions for officers who subvert the process of free and fair elections or who knowingly obstruct the Commission in the discharge of its functions or otherwise interferes with the functions of the Commission; they would be liable to 3 years imprisonment or 1 million fine or to both.

WDN: What measures have you put in place to avoid a repeat of the election irregularities of 2008 where thousands of innocent civilians were either indiscriminately killed or evicted from their homes by marauding hooligans?

Ahmed Issack: The Commission has put in systems and processes in place that would ensure peaceful elections. In addition, judicial reforms have been undertaken, giving Kenyans a renewed hope in the judiciary as an avenue for seeking justice, rather than resorting to violence. The dispute resolution mechanisms outlined above have so far worked very well. The Commission is also working closely with the National Cohesion and Integration Commission to ensure peaceful campaigning and elections. Lastly, the sanctions put in place, including barring of candidates or parties from contesting in elections are likely to deter any attempt to go back to 2007/8. Furthermore, the law now grants the Commission the power to investigate and prosecute election offences. The Commission will have resident Investigators and Prosecutors, and will work closely with the Office of the Director of Prosecutions for additional support. Lastly, the ICC process is surely a live lesson for the country.

WDN: Do you think the Kenya police force will be capable of keeping the peace despite their tarnished image?

Ahmed Issack: Police reforms have been part of the agenda 4 reforms. Tremendous work has been undertaken to ensure that our security agencies are properly capacitated and exercise their duties within the confines of the law. The Commission engages security agencies when planning for elections for purposes of sharing intelligence and briefing them on the Electoral Code of Conduct and its implications. In return, the security agencies commit to providing the much-needed security for election staff, premises and materials and regular updates on the security situation.

WDN: Will international election observers be deployed to oversee and ensure the culmination of smooth and fair elections?

Ahmed Issack: Yes. The Commission has in the past accredited both domestic and international observers. During the constitutional referendum of 2010, the Commission accredited over 4,000 observers. We have now commenced on the accreditation process, particularly for the long-term observers, who observe the entire electoral cycle rather than the campaign and polling only. The Commission has also allowed Election Assessment Missions to assess the level of preparedness for the upcoming elections.

WDN: What punitive measures have been put in place by the election commission to fight mix-ups, misinformation, vote buying, ballot stuffing, mis-recording of votes, misleading or confusing ballot papers, electoral fraud, tampering with electronic voting machines, and destruction of ballot papers?

Ahmed Issack: Part VI of the Elections Act outlines an array of election offences, including fines, imprisonment and barring of candidates and political parties from contesting in elections. The Commission has the mandate to monitor the implementation of the Electoral Code of Conduct and any possible breaches thereof. The biggest challenge however is to get hold of admissible evidence for such alleged offences to allow for prosecution of the offenders. There has been in the best allegations on such offences, but no tangible evidence to support them. The Commission appeals to all Kenyans, political parties and aspirants to be vigilant and share evidence to support such allegations.

WDN: Who will be overseeing the safety of election boxes and election cases?

Ahmed Issack: The Commission has the mandate to oversee the election and the related processes. It works closely with security agencies to ensure safety of election materials, premises and materials of the Commission. During election times, the Commission gets security personnel from the Kenya Police, the Administration Police and other agencies, where necessary. This however calls for an additional cost, which competes against others within the budget constraints.

WDN: Electorate manipulation usually happens during or immediately after election campaigns. Manipulation of democracy is the illegal act of authorities artificially controlling electorate composition for the sake of producing foregone result. How are you going to handle such cases in a country that is entirely responsive to vice?

Ahmed Issack: The Constitution and the law guide the Commission and all players in elections. Therefore, as long as each of the players act within the law, be it the Commission, the candidates or political parties, the Police or the Courts, the hand of the law would be applied indiscriminately.

WDN: How long will it take to resolve a disputed election?

Ahmed Issack: The Constitution provides that a dispute on the presidential election should be filed with the Supreme Court within 7 days; it should be heard and determined within 14 days. On the other hand, any dispute arising out of the other elections is to be filed at the High Court and to be heard and determined within 6 months. This is a big step forward, considering that in the past there was no time within which the court could hear and determine an election petition.

WDN: Are the Kenyan Diaspora allowed to vote in the coming elections and how will their voting be regulated?

Ahmed Issack: The Constitution provides that citizens residing outside Kenya will have a progressive right to be registered and to vote. The progressive nature of this right takes into account many factors, including the review of the legislative framework, the planning and logistics concerned and of course, the cost component related to this right. As a start, the Commission will register citizens residing outside Kenya at the designated Kenyan Missions abroad. This will take into account the cost and logistics of the particular Mission. The Commission will designate the staff of such Missions, other than the High Commissioners and their Deputies, to be registration and eventually polling officials. For purposes of the forthcoming elections, the Commission will register citizens residing outside Kenya to vote for presidential elections and national referenda. Best practices of other jurisdictions and domestic constraints will inform future how citizens residing outside Kenya will vote in future.

WDN: Do prison inmates have the legal right to partake in the coming elections?

Ahmed Issack: In the past, prison inmates were not eligible to vote. Prior to the 2010 national constitutional referendum, the former Commission (IIEC) was ordered by the Court to register prisoners for the referendum. The Commission complied with the Court Order and registered prisoners and facilitated their voting during the referendum. This however had its challenges, out of the 30,000 estimated prisoners, only 5,000 registered to vote. Less than 50,000 of these eventually voted for one reason or another. Based on the lessons learnt from this exercise, the Commission has put in mechanisms to provide for the registration of prisoners.

WDN: Kenya-Somalis in North eastern Kenya are mostly Nomads, concentrated in rural areas. How will you facilitate for those Kenyans to participate to exercise their voting rights?

Ahmed Issack The law requires the Commission to put in mechanisms to facilitate registration of eligible voters and to ensure that they exercise their constitutional right to vote. One such mechanism is mobile registration centres for pastoralist areas or areas with mobile communities. The Commission gazettes such polling stations are “mobile” to allow the registration staff to follow the communities to the grazing areas or watering holes. This strategy has greatly enhanced participation of such communities in the electoral process.

WDN: There were some irregularities and rigging election that took place in last election in some parts of North eastern Kenya. What would you tell Kenya- Somalis to entrust and lend full confidence in the election process so that their votes will be counted without any fixation this time?

Ahmed Issack: The systems and processes that the Commission has put in place have taken into account the recommendations of the “Kriegler” Report and have addressed the shortcomings identified in the Report that led to the 2007/8 post-election violence. The strategies adopted by the Commission have been arrived at through intensive consultations with various stakeholders in the electoral processes, including representatives of the target groups. This has enhanced public confidence in the Commission in particular and in the electoral process in general.

WDN: Will this be the end of the era for nominated or appointed governors or officials to head a region they do not belong?

Ahmed Issack: The nomination of candidates envisaged by the law is for purposes of proportional representation of special categories of sections of the communities, including youth, persons with disabilities, women, workers, marginalized and minority groups. The law does not restrict their appointment to a particular region, but it does provide that the list should have regional and ethnic diversity.

WDN: Thanks for sharing your views with WardheerNews

Ahmed Issack: I appreciate your time and efforts.

 

An Interview with Dr. Marco Zoppi that is Related to His Upcoming Book

 

By Adan Makina

WardheerNews

August 25, 2021

 

Editor’s Note: In a long interview with Dr. Marco Zoppi–an interview about his upcoming book that is expected to be released in September by Rowman and Littlefield, WardheerNews, without the least hesitation, wishes to share with you perhaps what would be described as the longest discussion with our own contributor who selflessly spent considerable time to share with us a subject that has never been debated before. Up north Europe, in what we know as Scandinavian or Nordic countries that constitute Norway, Denmark and Sweden, there is a paradox in ontological security that constitute food security, political security and personal security. Unbeknown to many, Scandinavia means “dangerous island.” Even though the dangers are natural physical features, Somalis who constitute 165,000 in these countries have experienced enormous inevitable social ramifications that require corrections by the host governments and configurations of spokesmen and spokeswomen that is currently gaining ground among those from the unstable Horn of Africa nation of Somalia that collapsed in 1991. The interview was conducted by our own Adan Makina. We hope you enjoy it.

WardheerNews (WDN): Come Stai Dottore Marco Zoppi. Please welcome to WardheerNews. I believe WDN is not new to you and that you will attest to the fact that it is a scholarly and journalistic magazine that has been gaining popularity since its establishment in November of 2004. Likewise, WDN wishes to salute you for the selfless and courageous past contributions that you rendered it. We at WDN and our readers feel it is a great opportunity to have an interview with you because you have relevant information to tell the Somali who are known for grabbing the good news we know as ‘war’. Please, get on board our digitized ship.

 

Dr. Zoppi: Thanks for the warm welcome Adan! Sto bene, grazie mille. It’s a pleasure to have this talk with you regarding my upcoming book on WDN, to which I have indeed contributed as author in the past, as you rightly recalled. Thanks to all the readers that will take time to read the interview. I hope it will be of interest for WDN’s readership.

 

WDN: As usual, please introduce yourself to our readers beginning with your childhood upbringing, your educational qualifications and experiences.

 

Dr. Zoppi: I grew up in Monteodorisio, a small village in Central Italy close to the Adriatic coast. I left my hometown after the high school to begin university education. I first earned a BA in International Relations at the University of Bologna, back in 2010. I then spent 7 years in Denmark, to pursue a MA in African Studies at the Centre of African Studies (University of Copenhagen) and a Ph.D. in Histories and Dynamics of Globalization at Roskilde University. Strangely enough, it is in Denmark, rather than in “closer” Italy, that I had my first encounter with Africa and with Italy’s past in Somalia and in the Horn of Africa. My MA thesis was indeed an analysis of the Italian colonialism in Somalia, and my Ph.D. research – on which the book is based – has focused on the Somali diaspora in the three Scandinavian countries (Denmark, Norway and Sweden). After the Danish “moment” in my life, which I have indeed cherished a lot, I came back to work as post-doc researcher at the University of Bologna, Department of Political and Social Science, exactly where my educational career had started.

 

WDN: Since you have an upcoming book, could you tell us the name of the book, its general contents and what inspired you to write it?

 

Dr. Zoppi: The book is titled “Horizons of Security: the Somali Safety net in Scandinavia” and is published by Rowman and Littlefield. It will be out in September. In brief, the book recounts the integration dynamics of the Somali diaspora from the specific point of view of security and welfare, namely with a focus on the processes of (re-)construction of what I call the “safety net”. I define the safety net as the complex of institutions, norms and instruments that in a society are in charge of providing security against peoples’ need and life uncertainties. I have tried to avoid the most walked research paths on integration, looking for a diverse and hopefully innovative approach. By doing so, I have placed diverse understandings of the safety net–which in my case are the stateless Somali extended family and the Scandinavian state-based model of welfare–on the same level of analysis and dignity. In order to describe the Somali safety net in Scandinavia, I have resorted to academic literature, and to some 30 interviews with Somali women and men of the diaspora, whom I have asked about practices and criteria for care, welfare, security, solidarity, remittances and other matters. What inspired me to write about this topic is the fact that even there where state provision of welfare is highly developed and functional, as in the Scandinavian region, there is still room for lack of integration and social marginalization of certain groups.

 

WDN: How long how have you been engaged writing your book?

 

Dr. Zoppi: I wrote most of the contents during my Ph.D. years (2014-2017), conducting interviews in all the three countries. It then took me few months to transform it into a research book proper. In the upcoming work, I have used extensive quotes from my Somali interviewees that were either absent or included only in shorter versions in the original Ph.D. manuscript.

 

WDN: Perusing through your dissertation or thesis, any reader will feel that you have a great respect and admiration for the Somali people. Why is it so?

 

Dr. Zoppi: That’s true. There are possibly many reasons I could mention. For sure, while exploring topics that are very intimate (such as those related to welfare, care and security), some of my interlocutors shared personal stories and life experiences – positive and negative, rewarding and humiliating. I am extremely grateful for the generosity of Somali women and men sharing such personal things with me, and even for the time itself they devoted to my research. This is certainly one reason. A Somali woman told me “I thought I came to the end of the world” when the Norwegian authorities assigned her to a refugee shelter in the far north of the country. She felt sad and isolated, and would soon move from there, against the decision of the authorities, in the attempt to meet fellow Somalis. A Somali man used a humorous allegory when telling me that in Scandinavia he had moved from being a “camel raiser” to be the “herder of the chicken”, implying that he had then many more things of apparent less importance to take care of, such as the multifarious bureaucratic requirements of the welfare state, what he considered to be the chicken. But there was more about it: he echoed the difficult negotiation of masculinity and the role of men in the diasporic family, themes that I also heard from many other interlocutors. Moreover, interview after interview I realized that my interlocutors and I could intend very well each other when discussing dynamics concerning the “family”. In fact, also the Italian culture is traditionally highly centered on the role of famiglia – although it is not equally extended – and on certain social norms that fall on family members. In general, the focus on welfare and security really reveals that all human beings eventually aspire to the same things, although perhaps through different means and ways: this has created empathy between me and my interlocutors as well as reciprocal respect.

 

 

WDN: What made you to concentrate on Somalis in your dissertation and your upcoming book?

 

Dr. Zoppi: As I mentioned earlier, during my stay in Denmark a “paradox” attracted my attention as researcher: the Somali asylum seekers and refugees arriving in Scandinavia from “the world’s most dangerous place” were facing issues of vulnerability and insecurity also in these countries, which are worldwide renowned for their universalistic, “from-cradle-to-grave” model of public assistance to citizens. How could that be possible? I did not find a valid answer around, and therefore I decided to design a research to deal with that unanswered paradox.

 

WDN: Your soon to-be-published (September) book whose title is “Horizons of security State and extended family: the Somali safety net in Scandinavia” contains harrowing tales of how Somalis are in dire states. Who are these Scandinavian countries and what are the main causes of the friction between them and Somalis who arrived as refugees or political asylees?

 

Dr. Zoppi: My take is the following: Somalis and Scandinavians have very, very different understandings and expectations connected to the family’s role; to care and to mechanisms of solidarity. In my view, such differences are grounded primarily in historical experiences. The Somali safety net, influenced by the rather mobile, pastoral and semi-pastoral economic structure of Somali-speaking territories, hardly distinguishes the individual from the (extended) family when it comes to social responsibilities: both material and immaterial assistance and solidarity acts are in most cases mandatory (meaning that there are consequences for non-fulfillment) and are regulated by kinship, contract and the xeer. The Scandinavian model empowers instead the individual per se, at times even with a marked anti-family goal of emancipation, and require individuals (the citizens) to put trust primarily in state institutions. These are charged, among other things, with the task of providing assistance to needy citizens. This is a very effective model, which enjoys global praise. The point on trust in state institutions is historically a thorny question for Somalis. I think you and the readers know better than me on this one. The interesting thing is that what I have described is though just the initial “script”: world societies are not static, and in fact diaspora Somalis in Scandinavia are already undergoing some crucial changes in the way they define the family, and in the way they engage with solidarity acts towards fellow clansmen in Scandinavia or in Somali-speaking territories. They are definitely influenced by the works of the welfare state, and thus by the different definitions of family, and by the emancipation goal. I try to portray such changes in the final chapter of the book: it’s a history in the making, so it would be interesting to check again what is going on in a decade or so, and if that creates in turn an impact also in the homeland.

 

WDN: You mentioned scholarly phrases or terminologies like “food security, political security and personal security” that fall under “ontological security.” How do they affect Somalis living in Scandinavian countries and what agitates these countries to perceive Somalis as a threat to their national sovereignty?

 

Dr. Zoppi: “Ontological security” refers to the sense of knowing our role in the world and in the society, we live in. It is what makes of us stable and balanced individuals, because feeling accepted by others is beneficial in terms of psychological wealth. The expression perfectly describes the situation of Somali newcomers in Scandinavia: on the one hand, they lack the sense of security provided by the traditional social setting they come from. On the other hand, they are not yet experienced in the mechanisms governing welfare states and welfare societies. Institutions appear to be intrusive and a threat to Somalis’ private lives. This issue came out frequently when discussing children upbringing and the relation with social assistants, for example. By the same token, one should consider that the welfare state aims at standardizing notions of risks and needs of their citizens as part of its survival strategy. It’s the mission of “universalism”, that is social assistance for all. Therefore, deviance from the established conformity is quickly stigmatized and criminalized. And the practices and meanings of welfare are so part of the nation, part of the national way of life and routines (they have built the sense of nation, one could say), that any perceived threat to the welfare model is also a perceived threat to the nation itself. This is what I call “everyday welfare nationalism”, expanding the argument made earlier by Prof. Michael Billig.

 

WDN: Why are these Scandinavian countries violating the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) that was adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on December 10, 1948?

 

Dr. Zoppi: I think that we do not earn much if we single out the conduct of specific countries and try to condemn or praise their conduct without considering the global picture. We have seen, and keep seeing around the globe way too many cases of gross violations of human rights, starting in a country and then continuing along migration routes, such as those connecting Africa to Europe via Libya and the Mediterranean, or those connecting the flows originating in the Middle East and beyond with Europe via the Balkan Route (think about the recent case of Afghanistan). And violations take place also in the destination countries of course. Therefore, I think that a general debate and action is urgently needed to address the widespread violation of human rights, primarily in the countries of origin of refugees and along the migration routes, and also to address the poor global management of migration flows, whether of humanitarian or economic nature. The real question to me is why human rights currently appear to be retreat and what we can do about it to preserve human lives.

 

 

WDN:  The Geneva Convention of 28 July 1951 exempt refugees from reciprocity (Article 7), because those seeking refuge in peaceful countries cannot get assured or similar security from their countries of origin. So, why should advanced and developed countries in Scandinavia specifically harangue Somalis from war-ravaged, beleaguered and impoverished Somalia?

 

Dr. Zoppi: Let’s say that pointing fingers is something that we observe in most European countries, especially against newly arrived groups of asylum seekers and refugees. This is clearly not up to the democratic values the EU is supposed to safeguard and spread. Understandably, some Somalis do face difficulties in settling in Scandinavian societies and for this reason the entire community has ended up being defined in the past as the “least” integrated group. Many would mention here issues of cultural compatibility or other things that have to do with the construction of Muslim, African, “Black” individuals in Europe. I offer a different kind of explanation, as I believe that what we see is not an ethnic/cultural issue. In fact, within my specific approach I describe integration and its challenges as the encounter, often clash, between two ways of conceptualizing the safety net. That’s it. On the one hand, Somalis are learning to trust institutions and consider themselves as individuals and not only members of a clan.

 

On the other hand, the pervasive welfare state projects specific expectations from the citizens, for example in relation to education and employment, that all are supposed to meet. As mentioned, since welfare states grant generous social benefits, they need both employment (i.e., tax payers) and high level of trust in the system among citizens. A group that is perceived outside such safety net may represent a problem for the survival of the welfare system itself. I would say that Somalis’ suspicion of state institutions and the high reliance on familial ties is exactly what have played an important role in shaping political debates in Northern Europe. After all, we should not forget that the welfare state is a great accomplishment: quite a few of my Somali interviewees themselves appreciated the Scandinavian welfare system, and hoped that present Somali-speaking territories could have something similar to that. A way to improve the tone of the debates could be noting the instrumental role that the Somali-defined safety net can have for integration: the provision of information to newly arrived Somalis on procedures and requirements; the support to unemployed clan members and so on. This is rarely discussed at the public level.

WDN: In the “Rights and Responsibilities of Parties”, hosting nations are not allowed to discriminate against refugees (Article 3). What differentiates Somalis from other communities who sought or continue to seek protection from ontological security?

 

Dr. Zoppi: Somalis appear more socially vulnerable, but that depends for most part on the simple fact that at the time of doing my research they represented the latest group to arrive in the area. Their stateless implementation of the safety net and the unfortunate representations of the Somalis as pirates have made the rest. As latest established community, there is still scarce societal knowledge about Somali culture and history, and therefore stereotypes and mistrust seem to be prevailing at times. But I think that their situation is rapidly improving. Scandinavian societies are very dynamic and offer many opportunities: I was glad to see that many more Somalis are now making high-level careers into the Scandinavian societies. They will be certainly in the position to help changing stereotyped views, and building bridges between cultures.

 

WDN: Though “legally binding” and a prerogative of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), no nation has ever filed complaint in the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in the Hague, The Netherlands, against those nations violating the rights of refugees. If that is the case, what is the point of having this plethora of conventions and human rights organizations?

 

Dr. Zoppi: This is a wide issue that should be the topic for another interview! I think that we should see humanitarian migration management as an ongoing process, in which we have not yet reached the end of the journey, that is a thorough implementation at the global level. For as much as the implementation of such conventions is far from perfection, we should be glad that past political leaders have committed to sign these documents. Usually, they did so after very tragic events that have marked the history of mankind. But as many asylum seekers and refugees are still suffering, we all should be also more demanding of our governments. We live in a multipolar world where traditional powers have lost some of their geopolitical grounds to new emerging states: it’s a great moment to amend or improve existing laws, conventions, agreements and the like. But is there enough humanitarianism thrust to do that, or are we living in a rather utilitarian phase in (humanitarian) migration management? I am not sure, but I have recently seen alarming examples of reduced cooperation among states on this and other matters. In whatever we will be doing, we should keep in mind that constructing anew is always harder and slower than dismantling.

 

WDN: Could you please explain the engrossed fears each Scandinavian country harbors for Somalis seeking protection?

 

Dr. Zoppi: I would say that the preoccupations are similar across the region, despite the fact that each of the three Scandinavian countries has its own political landscape and tradition. There is a constant fear for the welfare state: after all, the latter is the famous “bumblebee that keeps flying despite physics laws” and therefore is an object of continuous concern–against economic crises, the global pandemic, migration flows. Such fears thus do not target Somalis per se, yet the Somalis provide a particularly interesting case to study how integration works in relation to security and welfare.

 

WDN: The nations of Denmark, Norway and Sweden that are either called Scandinavian or Nordic countries, have had diplomatic ties with Somalia in the past and to this day, have heavy presence in Somalia’s political, social and economic dynamism. Norway is one country that has been in the headlines mainly in the maritime dispute between Kenya and Somalia. Likewise, these countries have heavy Somali presence with some enjoying exceptional higher education assistance up to PhD levels. In general, what are the main burning issues that make Somalis a distinct community that is worth criminalizing, degrading and disregarding?

 

Dr. Zoppi: I have mentioned some of the responsible factors already above. Here, I’d add that the lack of Somali “spokespersons” (if you pass me the word) in the Scandinavian societies in the early 1990s has contributed to the open circulation of various accusations. Many benefit from attacking the most vulnerable individuals within a society: it happens everywhere and all the time across the world. In principle, there should not be a need for spokespersons, but it’s not a bad thing either if that helps the cause. And in my research, I was glad to notice that Somalis are now achieving a fair control on what is being said about them in public discourses and media in the Scandinavian societies. I mention few examples of that in the book. That’s an important achievement, which is also the merit of the space given by these societies. Not many countries are as open as the Scandinavian trio.

 

WDN: Are Somalis contravening the communitarian and societal levels of ontological ideology or are Somalis opposed to the ideas of assimilation and integration?

 

Dr. Zoppi:  In a simpler and more intuitive way, I would say that the Somalis are engaged in a process of learning (and in some cases, moving towards) the safety net as it is practiced in Scandinavia. Upon arrival, many Somalis suffer from a lack of ontological security, due to the different messages they are given about the family, the need to attend introduction courses in a given place (sometimes in the middle of nowhere or anyway far from other Somalis), the upbringing of children and so on. Out of these challenges, integration is for me the ability to learn, adapt, and merge practices and understandings of the two-safety net. Somalis are currently engaged in this learning process, and indeed some of the stories I have included in the last chapter are extremely interesting to see exactly what the negotiation between the two safety nets is about. It’s simply amazing to see how the welfare state is perceived through the lens of experiences of clan welfare. There is for example this very exemplificative quote: “The Danes have managed to make this very communal way of thinking that we have, i.e., that you have to take care of each other, they just managed to do it on a really large scale, like this is the whole state. (…). They have taken everybody into account”.

 

WDN: Ten years ago in Norway, a young man by the name Anders Breivik who is serving only 21-years in prison, killed 9 people in Oslo and then traveled to Utoya at a youth camp where he killed 69 innocent revelers. Do you know of any Somali extremist who killed such number of people in any Scandinavian country?

 

Dr. Zoppi: No, but we can’t take this as a measure or indicator for anything. It does not make any of us more secure. Societies and governments need to constantly work together internally and externally to curb the spread of violent ideologies. All extremist acts should be considered of the same seriousness, whoever is the perpetrator and whatever the ideology.

 

WDN: Somalis are the majority beneficiaries of financial assistance in Scandinavian countries, and have lower employment and educational rates compared to other communities. Likewise, Somalis, in terms of population, have the highest foreign refugee figures in each Nordic country. Why is it so?

 

Dr. Zoppi: Because they represent a young diaspora in Scandinavia. Perhaps in the future they will become a fluid component of these societies, like the Turks in Germany or the Albanians in Italy. As for their presence in comparative large numbers (in Scandinavia there are today some 165,000 Somalis including descendants), it mostly depends on the Scandinavian governments’ willingness to welcome asylum seekers and their families, especially during the troubled days of the civil war back in the early 1990s.

 

WDN: Do these countries abhor the presence of Muslim refugees in their midst or are there wild exaggerated concerns related to their future population growth that could blossom the rise of Islam, unanticipated religious fundamentalism and objection to religious proselytization (Christianity).

 

Dr. Zoppi: Neither of the above applies to Scandinavian societies, to tell the truth. But there are certain constructions of Islam, supported by extremist groups that are more hostile towards foreigners and Muslims, which contribute to spread significant concern, if not fear. Although it is the view of a minority, we should not overlook it. In my opinion, as Islam contemplates welfare redistribution, solidarity and humanity values, it can further the goals of the welfare state.

 

WDN: To conclude our interview, what advices would you give the Scandinavian countries and the Somali communities they host as a means of getting out of the current social stalemate? 

 

Dr. Zoppi: My main goal was to recount stories and portray change over time in the integration process as I have defined it earlier. I would then only humbly advise the following: while there is an advanced public debate on the economic costs of integration, we are less keen on discussing the failing provision of welfare as well as its social costs. Against this backdrop, maximizing the cultural potential of the different definitions of the safety net at the policy level could lead to enact cost-effective integration measures, thus reducing the overall social expenditures and risks. This should be the way. And the Scandinavian societies are perhaps the best-equipped in the world to achieve such a complex task.

 

WDN: Thanks Dr. Zoppi for your attention to detail and for being part of WDN.

 

Dr. Zoppi: Thanks for the opportunity given to discuss the topics of my book.

 

Adan Makina

WardheerNews

adan.makina@gmail.com

An Interview with Dr. Marco Zoppi

https://wardheernews.com/an-interview-with-dr-marco-zoppi-about-his-upcoming-book-horizons-of-security/

AN INTERVIEW WITH RETIRED EDUCATIONIST ALI A. BAKORDA

February 1, 2019

Editor’s Note: Educationist Ali Bakorda is well known in Kenya’s northern regions as well as in the national education fraternity. Hailing from a family that did not even own a hen to hatch an egg to sell in the market, the man many knew as “Abakurde”, encountered tough trials and tribulations until he finally climbed the ladder of success through self-motivation and pedagogical transformation. A friendly man who is full of humor, Abakurde would jokingly claim to his Somali friends that he exclusively owned a small village within Garissa County called ‘Kurde’! In an interview with our own Adan Makina, Ali A. Bakorda gives our readers paradigmatic information related to education in the Somali-populated Kenya’s northern regions. Other than teaching, managing, and administering a large institution, Bakorda did many other fascinating tasks in his spare time. We hope you enjoy the interview.
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WardheerNews (WDN): Welcome to WardheerNews. Before we begin our interview, please tell us briefly your background history such as the environment you grew up in, schools attended, and academic achievement(s).

Mr. Ali Bakorda

Ali: My past is turbulent. I had grown up in a very poor family that did not own even a hen! What disturbs me most is that when I passed Kenya African Preliminary Education (KAPE) with eight others in a class of 26, only nine of us passed. But there was no secondary school in the whole province. One had to go to Shimo la Tewa in Mombasa to pursue secondary education. I was not able to make it because of poverty! That hurts me to date!

And that’s how I joined the teaching profession having been pushed into it by my late mentor and teacher Mr. A. A. El-Amaawy. He passed away last year. May Allah reward him with Jannatul Firdaus, Aamiin. So I taught in primary schools and as time went by I did London General Certificate of Education (LGCE) exams ‘O’ and ‘A’ levels and ploughed my way up till 1994 when I voluntarily retired.

I was born to Yemeni parents in Wajir. Astonished at my fluency of the Somali language, time and again, I’ve been asked by Somalis if my maternal uncles were Ogaden, Ajuran, or Degodia– three Somali clans that have a heavy presence in historic Wajir.

WDN: How old were you when you joined the teaching profession and to which school were you posted first?

Ali: I joined teaching at age 21. Almost all my teaching career was in Wajir.

WDN: What inspired you to jump onto the educational bandwagon and what were the main horrifying factors you perceived as deserving significant attention before becoming an Educationist?

Ali: I was actually pushed into teaching by my teacher and mentor the late A.A. Elmaawy who knew I came from a very poor family as such, I had no forethought as to the task ahead. All I believed was teaching was a noble profession.

WDN: Having traveled the breadth and width of Kenya whether to attend seminars, conventions, or for further training, what disparities did you perceive in other regions that Somali schools lacked?

Ali: Well this section deserves a chapter to be fair to it. In short the Somali is a staunch Muslim who had alot of misgivings about secular education. But things have changed now as they have plunged into it full scale and doing well.

WDN: We learn from history that before Kenya became independent, especially during the colonial era, majority of the teachers in the Somali-dominated areas or regions were exclusively Zanzibari teachers. If true, why were the Zanzibari teachers selected by the British colonial Administration? Was it a form of divide-and-rule tactics?

Ali: The early teachers came from Zanzibar as a colonial strategy to have the Somali acceptance of schools. They brought the late Shariff Shibly who started Garissa primary in 1947 and moved on to Wajir in 1948 and started Government African School in Wajir.

WDN: Can you tell us about  the roles and responsibilities you held during your tenure in the educational sector and how long have you been in the education sector?

Ali: I started as a teacher in 1966 and retired as an Assistant Director of Education (P.E.O.) in 1994. So I have been teacher inspector DEO and Provincial Director as well. I never taught in Garissa but Wajir. I have been in the Education Sector from 1966 to 1994 when I voluntarily retired.

WDN: How many local ethnic Somali District Education Officers (DEOs) and Provincial Education Officers (PEOs) in the northern regions can you recall for the time you were in employment?

Ali: The first local officers after late Omar Sheikh Farah were Ibrahim Hussein and myself.

WDN: Since gaining independence from Britain in 1963, the northern regions you served (formerly part of the North Eastern Province or NEP) has been afflicted by an atmosphere of neglect and abandonment, and dwindling education. What are the best strategies for tackling these insurmountable problems?

Ali: Neglect for the whole province was applied by the British against the Muslims and the shifta menace added insult to injury. The vast area and small population that was compounded to a barren land also affected the area.

WDN: Compared to other counties, the literacy rate of the counties (previously provinces) you served reveal grim statistics. Girl-child education is at the lowest ebb. Most affected are the rural areas where girls ‘primary responsibilities include herding goats and sheep or doing backbreaking house chores from dawn to dusk. What do you think can be done to overturn these trends?

Ali: As for the results and education development time is not on our side. Compare Kagumo secondary that started in 1900 and Wajir secondary that started in 1963! That tells a lot doesn’t it? I remember the first two girls were Rukia Ali and Fatima Idhow. The trend has now drastically changed. Girls equal boys or more in some classes.

WDN: It has come to our attention that you have been a guitarist in the past and that you taught world renowned Afan-Boran Vocalist and Guitarist Malfadho (May Allaah Admit him to Jannatul Firdows). Tell us more about how you came to learn the Oud, and the number of people who benefited from your musicological talent.

Ali: As for my musical stint, in short, we bought the instrument from Malindi, learned how to play it together with Salim Mubarak who is still alive. As for the late Malfadho, he was very keen to learn music. He used to work in Wajir hospital. After work he would pass at my residence and learn to play the Oud though he would compose music in his own vernacular afterwards. Honestly, I gave Malfadho the main tools for the ABCD of music.

 WDN: You were the first non-Somali pedagogue to have written a book in Somali? If so, what was/were the name(s) of your book(s)?

Ali: The books I wrote were three booklets for children and that was many, many years back. I don’t think they are available anymore. One was Sheeko Carruureed or children’s folktales and the other “dhegna meel dheer, dhagaxna meel dhow.” It was in 1994 and the copyrights were mine. The books were published by Longhorn. On the other hand, I was part of the team that authored the book, “The Development of Education in NFD.” Besides, I spent 21 years turning the Latin Somali Qur’an translation into Arabic letters–meaning somali language translation in Arabic script. Though not printed yet, it’s in a disk with me. I believe it was a mistake for Siad Barre to use Latin for the Somali language

WDN: To elevate the educational standards of the regions you previously served, what is the last advise you have for the people and the educational/political leaders that currently hold the mantle?

Ali: My advice to all is…we started late so let’s not leave any stone unturned so as to catch up with the others. Alhamdu Lillaah, we have done well so far but the journey is still long.

WDN: We appreciate for giving us your precious time.

Ali: Thank you Sheikh Adan Makina and your team at WardheerNews.

Wicitaanka Dhageystayaasha VOA Somali Service

Wicitaanka Dhageystayaasha VOA Somali Service

AN INTERVIEW WITH KENYAN-SOMALI PROFESSIONAL PILOT AND RETIRED ARMY MAJOR MOHAMUD AHMED ISMAIL

March 31, 2016

By WardheerNews

Editor’s Note: WardheerNews brings to its readers an in-depth interview with Mohamud Ahmed Ismail, a distinguished Kenyan-Somali professional pilot and a former retired Major of the Kenya Army. Mr. Mohamud talks about growing up in a nomadic culture in North Eastern Kenya, his professional life as a pilot and the aviation industry in East Africa. The interview was conducted for WardheerNews by Adan Makina, who is currently based in Kenya.

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WardheerNews (WDN): Welcome to WardheerNews Mr. Mohamud. Could you please tell our readers about your background history especially a touch on your education and professional training?

Pilot Mohamud Ahmed

Pilot Mohamud: Thank you brother Makina and the whole fraternity of WardheerNews for having me. It’s a pleasure and a privilege I cannot fathom! I was born in the northern outskirts of Garissa, near the small town called Sakha to a Somali camel herdsmen way back in the early sixties when Kenya was almost attaining its independence. Three months later my father passed away, May Allah (Subxaanahu Wa Tacaalaa) admit him to Jannah, Aammiin.

I passed through the rigmarous of an orphan in that environmental settings. My mother got married to one of my distant uncles and we had to move to Bura, where people rare cows and are more riverine. By the age of four, I was looking after goats and cows of course, with the tutelage of senior boys, and occasionally girls. By the stroke of fate, I developed some complications on my right leg and it almost became gangrenous. My relatives thought that I was of no use and they brought me to Bura town to join my mum as they presumed me beyond economic value. I got treated in the most painful ways. They pierced five spots of my tight femur with a red hot iron rod. The pains were excruciating and lots of pus and blood oozed out. A few weeks down the line, I was up and able to walk.

I was taken to a local Dugsi or Islamic religious school but I ran away after less than a year as I couldn’t sustain the memorization and the constant beatings. My mother took me to the local primary school lest my elder relatives return me to herding. I joined Garissa High School and later I was taken to do Physiotherapy at a Nairobi College. I was moved by the massacres and the harrowing experiences of the women and children of the infamous 1980 Garissa Gubaay or the burning of Garissa. Immediately, I joined the Kenya Armed Forces in 1981 who were then the alleged culprits of murder and mayhem in Garissa.

WDN: What attracted you to the aviation industry and how did you become a pilot in the first place?

Pilot Mohamud: Well, as was the joining of the Armed Forces, I became a pilot by the stroke of fate. In one of the days of career choices, I thought I should try and do the Pilots’ Aptitude Test to avoid doing some heavy physical work. By then, I had never been close to any aircraft. The test was tough and the time given unbelievably was short. Amazingly, I did well and after being Commissioned as a Second Lieutenant, by the then President Daniel Arab Moi, I was among the fortunate ones who were shipped to Nairobi as Flight Cadets.

WDN: What type of aircrafts have you flown and for how long have you been airborne?

Pilot Mohamud: I have flown various types of Aircrafts. Both Fixed Wing and Rotorcrafts or Helicopters are in my licenses. I have flown a total of over 12,000 hours in both categories.

WDN: In Kenya, Somalis have been leading other ethnic groups in aircraft ownership. What gives Kenya-Somalis leverage over ethnic groups in terms of aircraft ownership?

Pilot Mohamud: The breakdown of the Siad Barre Government has been the harbinger of glad tidings for the Somali Aviation businesses. Due to the lack of good road, rail and sea transport, Aviation transport became the only viable option. The inter-clan wars, the sprawling up of self-styled militias, mercenaries, pirates and gun-totting, ramshackle armed groups whose source of income was to kill, maim and forcefully abduct any vehicle, ship and their valuable cargo has given rise to aviation as the sole transport option. International aid groups and the UN has also been moving their aid cargo by air. Only Somali-owned or competent related entities got entry into the Kenyan aviation arena and the end result was a safe haven and an enhanced aviation industry. So is the sprawling Kenyan Registered aircraft owned mainly by Kenyan-Somalis or anyone else who satisfied the Kenyan Regulatory Authority as to their ability to run a safe and a reliable air industry.

 WDN: Everyday, tons of the mind-altering drug known to Somalis as Qaad is delivered to various destinations inside Somalia either by speeding Toyota Land Cruisers nicknamed ‘kabeyr’ or by ramshackle jets assembled in the former Soviet Union. Have you ever flown aircraft that deliver Miraa to Somalia that you would consider unfit to fly or outrageously dangerous to operate?

Pilot Mohamud: Dozens of aircrafts fly to Somalia carrying these cargo. However, no Soviet made aircraft has been registered in Kenya to ferry Miraa. It’s a lie and a misnomer. The carriers have always been American, Canadian and to a lesser extent, European manufactured aircrafts. The Cessna, the Beechcraft, De Havilland, the Hawker Siddeley, and the Fokker are the main aircrafts on these routes.

WDN: Are there dangers that discourage pilots from flying into Somali airspace? If there are perceived dangers of any sort, how can they be amended, overcome or rectified so that an airspace that conforms to international standards can be enforced for Somalia?

Pilot Mohamud: There are myriads of challenges that hamper pilots venturing into the Somali airspace. There is no reliable regulatory authority to provide air traffic control and navigation, weather, and search and rescue for Somali airspace. Airworthiness and ground handling services, just to mention a few, seem to be missing. The risk associated with flying into Somali airspace is like flying into a dead airspace with the possibility of meeting air pirates and an alien missile from a mad warlord heavy on a mind-altering substance.

Read more: WardheerNews Interview with Pilot Mohamud Ahmed

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Email: admin@wardheernews.com

INTERVIEW WITH DR. ALI SAID FAQI: SOMALI AMBASSADOR TO THE BENELUX AND THE EUROPEAN UNION

June 27, 2014

Editor’s Note: Besides the array of news and analysis covered on a daily basis by WardheerNews, getting to know the views and ideas of Somali diplomats, distinguished figures, erudite scholars and academicians, political doyens, and individuals and organizations having the desire to make effective changes to the beleaguered, impoverished, and war-ravaged Horn of Africa nation of Somalia has been WardheerNews’ burning desire for close to a decade. The following is an exclusive interview conducted by  our own Adan Makina covering wide-ranging and fascinating topics with Ambassador Dr. Ali Said Faqi, Somalia’s Ambassador to the Benelux and the European Union.
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WardheerNews (WDN): Ambassador Ali Said Faqi, Somalia’s new Ambassador to the EU and Belgium, first welcome to WardheerNews. You hold one of the biggest ambassadorial responsibilities for the Somali nation. Did your appointment to these two positions come to you as a surprise?

Amb. Ali Faqi, Somalia’s ambassador to Belgium and EU

Amb. Ali Said Faqi: Yes, indeed it was a complete surprise, unexpected and out of nowhere.   However, I should admit that I had interest to join politics one day in my life time, but I have never dreamed of becoming a diplomat; it was something that never crossed my mind.  Having said that, I am honored to be the Ambassador of Somalia to the Benelux and the European Union.

WDN: Could you share with us your background? 

Amb. Ali: I have a PhD in Toxicology and my research interest is on preclinical drug development with specialty on reproduction and birth defects.  Here are some of my highlights:

I am a Senior Director at a private research institute. I also hold an adjunct associate professor at Wayne State University, School of Medicine, Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology.

I am a Diplomate of American Board of Toxicology (DABT) and a Fellow of the Academy Toxicological Sciences (ATS).  Currently I am an Associate Editor of Reproductive Toxicology Journal and a member of Editorial Board of Open Access Journal of Science and Technology and a member of the Scientific Advisory Board of the Alzheimer’s Art Quilt Initiative (AAQI).  Moreover, I served on the Board of Scientific Counselors (BOSC) Computational Toxicology at the United States Environmental Protection Agency (US EPA) from September 2009 to September 2010.

I am an ad hoc scientific reviewer for several scientific journals including Regulatory Pharmacology and Toxicology, Toxicology Journal, System Biology in Reproductive Medicine, Pesticide Biochemistry and Physiology, PLoS ONE and Birth Defects Research Part B: Developmental & Reproductive Toxicology, and Drug and Chemical Toxicology. Other positions held include a past president of Michigan Society of Toxicology and a past president of Toxicologists of African origin.

I have published over 100 scientific papers and reports. I am an editor of a text book “A Comprehensive Guide to Toxicology in Preclinical Drug Development”, a book published by Elsevier in December 2012 and an author/co-author of 10 book chapters. 

WDN: What led you to be involved in politics since you have a science academic background? 

Amb Ali: Let us not forget that since early 2000 shortly after I came to the USA, I was an active member of the Somali Diaspora. I joined Pan-Somali Council for Peace and Democracy(Israaca). Here I met several brilliant Somali intellectuals who still remain as my true fiends.  In principle Israaca was a great political organization aimed at defending the noble cause of Somalia. Unfortunately, our deeply rooted mistrust and lack of experience has led to the demise of Israaca. Afterwards it is not a secret that I became a strong advocate of the plight of the people in Benadir, Lower Shebelle and Jubba. It is in my blood that I detest human right abuses. My activism has helped shape my political views and I strongly believe Somali unity is the only way forward. Therefore, politics was something I always had in my heart.

Nevertheless, I am much concerned about the current state of the Somali affairs because it is almost impossible to reverse the trend.  Besides political wrestling that has constantly paralyzed our nation, there is completely lack of capacity in all institutions. It is not that we don’t have educated people in these institutions; it is the mentality of the people that is devoid of accountability and work ethics.

WDN: WardheerNews has learned that the Somali diplomatic mission residency located in Brussels was in such a great mess since the main administrative building was in a dilapidated condition.  Were you able to reverse the ramshackle state of the said building in Brussels, Belgium? 

Amb. Ali: First and foremost please allow me to deeply thank the military regime of Somalia for acquiring these two buildings (the Chancery and the Ambassador’s residence) in Brussels, Belgium.  These two properties have not been taken care of for the past 23 years. This has resulted in structural damage of large proportion.  We initiated renovating the Chancery with loan money and in a few months the Embassy will have few office spaces and a meeting room.  The residence is still occupied by a Belgian family, but I expect them to move out before the end of this month. It looks like, however, the damage of the residence building is so deep that it would require demolishing the entire building and replacing it with a newer one. It is in my priority list to rehabilitate these buildings before my tenure time expires.

WDN: As the Somali ambassador to the EU, what are your main responsibilities? And do you oversee other Somali missions within the EU? 

Amb. Ali: My responsibility as an ambassador is to represent the government of Somalia in all meetings at EU, ACP, African Union, Arab league, IGAD, and in one-on-one government settings; involve in diplomacy, oversee all of the other diplomats and local staff, enhance the exposure of Somalia, defend the interest of Somalia, and help Somali citizens in need.

No, I don’t oversee other Somali missions in EU besides the ones that I am accredited to. 

WDN: The Somali nation is experiencing turbulent times. How do you see European involvement in resuscitating Somalia politically, socially, and economically?  

Amb. Ali: Europe Union is pretty much determined in helping Somalia. It is actively involved in all projects aimed at reviving Somalia, whether it is in the security sector, fighting piracy, justice reform, constitutional revision, building federal states institutions, reconciliation, economic development, food security, etc. The European taxpayers are demanding concrete results; they want to see their money well spent for the wellbeing of the people of Somalia. We need to grasp this opportunity and benefit from it.

Unfortunately, any political, social and economical progress made in Somalia is always deterred by the pandemic political crisis that has afflicted our country for almost a quarter of century. In the history of every nation that went to civil war, it’s the political will of its citizens that revived those nations; Somalia will not be an exception. No matter how much money the world donates to Somalia, nothing can be attained until we strongly stand together and collectively rehabilitate our nation.

WDN: EU and other countries pledged 2.4 B Euro for the reconstruction of Somalia through the agreement of the New Deal on Sept 16, 2013. This fund has been suspended due to allegations of corruption and lack of transparency. What can you tell us about the status of the New Deal Funds? 

Amb. Ali: The pledges have not been suspended but delayed due to lack of transparent public financial system in our country. The Somali government has committed itself to working with the World Bank to create a system of banking and financial institutions that have checks and balances. This is expected to be completed soon.

WDN: Many people believed members of the delegation from the Somali Federal government for the New Deal, led by President Hassan, were selected through corruption and nepotism and that many had no experience in government affairs. Since you were among those present at the meeting, what can you tell us about such allegations? 

Amb. Ali: I disagree with this allegation. The delegation was composed of the President’s Staff, ministers, parliamentarians, regional leaders and members of the civil society.  However, I am not surprised as negative rumors run Somalia and polarize our society and unfortunately there is nothing that can be done to contest it mainly because there is no effective journalism that can take the story and seek the real truth.  I like to share a personal experience that I witnessed with the Somali media. During the New Deal summit one of the Somali websites ran a commentary accusing me of being a traitor simply because I happened to be an Ambassador of Somalia at the time while the commentator (he/she) was opposed to the New Deal. Do I take this serious? Absolutely no, but I wish to see any accusations against public figures thoroughly investigated; sadly I don’t expect this to happen anytime soon. 

WDN: The current Somali administration is said to be run by incompetent people with AID dependency mentality. Do you believe those who are in position of power are capable of moving Somalia forward? 

Amb. Ali: Moving Somalia forward is not an easy mission, although many in the public may pretend so.  Leadership is a daunting task particularly for countries like Somalia where anarchy and impunity have dominated the lives of the people for over two decades. There is a deep mistrust in our society which then feeds to a negative perception for any leadership.  We need to understand that leaders come and go consequently the public does not need to waste time with individuals in the leadership, but they need to push pressure on the government in building strong institutions. Without strong institutions in place a president or a prime minister will not have any power to fulfill their public and political duties. As a result they will be seen as weak and incompetent.  Regrettably, this is the scenario that is currently prevailing in Somalia. I am confident that President Hassan and his PM are good people; let us give them time and space to lead the country.  

WDN: Al-Shabab still controls large parts of Southern Somalia such as the coastal town of Brava which serves as their main strategic base and headquarters. Why can’t the government with the support of AMISOM re-take such an important city?   

Amb. Ali: Experience has shown that military solution is not always the right remedy because securing peace and delivering public services is not the task of the military.  That is why I believe in the liberation plan of the Al-shabab controlled territories the government should include the immediate installation of a strong civil administration with a strong police force that should tackle the vacuum left by the defeat of Al-shabab. The government should also seek public support and funding to aid the transition to peace prior to launching a military campaign.

WDN: How do you perceive Somali political participation, acculturation or assimilation into European culture? 

Amb. Ali: Somalia and Europe have different history, social and political culture; however, there is a lot to learn from Europe. The European Union is an economic and political union of 28 European countries. The EU has enhanced the social, cultural, economical and political integration of European countries.  Europeans may share borders, but have different languages, cultures and traditions. Somalia with a homogenous population share the same language and religion and yet the acceptance and tolerance among its citizens is not something to be desired. In that regard Somalia can learn a lot from the European integration process.  

WDN: Do you have any estimate figure of the number of Somalis in the EU and Belgium in particular?

Amb. Ali: I don’t have an estimate number of Somali migrants in EU, but they may exceed or equal a quarter of a million. In Belgium the estimate is about 2,000 people.

WDN: What were you able to accomplish for the duration you have been Somali ambassador to the EU and Belgium respectively?

Amb. Ali: I don’t know if I can say I have accomplished a lot during my short time in the office, but I have a clear objective which I would like to push hard. As someone who is representing Somalia at this critical period of its history, I have no space for failure. I am committed to changing the Somali image and perception by exhibiting integrity, accountability and strong work ethics. 

WDN: How is your relationship with the Somali Diaspora in the EU? 

Amb. Ali: I am towards building a good relationship with the Somali Diaspora in Belgium and the Netherlands. I have an open policy and my door is open to all, and I have nothing to hide. I like my fellow countrymen and women to conduct themselves kindly and be law abiding citizens in the countries they reside as they need to understand the consequences bad behavior will have for the image of Somalia.  

WDN: Thanks for taking the time to share your views and ideas. 

Amb. Ali: My pleasure.

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