A LOOK AT SULTAN DEGHOW MUHUMED SAMBUL’S POLITICAL STRUGGLES

WICITAANKA DHAGEYSTAYAASHA: AQOON YAHAN AADAN MAKIINA

Laanta Afka Soomaaliga ku hadasha ee VOA oo saldhigeedu yahay Washington, DC oo wareysatay Aqoon Yahan Aadan Makiina oo tifaftire ka ah degelka www.wardheernews.com. Wareysiga wuxuu ku saabsanyahay Booliska Mareykanka oo dilal u geysta ragga Madowga ah ee u dhashay dalkaasi. Waxaa wareysiga qaaday Jamaal Cusmaan oo daadihiya Barnaamijka Wicitaanka Dhageystayaasha. Dhageysi wacan!

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GARAACA ARDADA AFRIKAANKA DHIGTA ISKOOLADA

Guumeeystihii markuu soo cago dhigtay Afrika, wuxuu sammeeyay labo qeybood oo waxbarasho ama manaahij: Mid loo qoondeeyay ilmahii Caddaanka ahaa iyo mid loogu talo galay carruurta Madowga ah. Guumeeystayaashii waxay tabo bareen macallimiin Madow ah.

Ardadii Caddaanka ahaa lama garaaci jirin, laakiin kuwii Madowga ahaa waa la tumi jiray loomana ogoleen in ay ku hadlaan afkooda hooyo Garaacii waagaa billowday weli wuu socdaa oo guud ahaan Afrika, garaaca ciyaal iskoolka dhigta waxay iska noqotay wax iska caadi ah oo ilmaha lagu edbinayo.

Dherbaaxo dheg dillaacisa, shabiiq maqaarka ardeyga ku reebta nabarro, bakoora lafaha baduuqda, garruun ardeyga curyaamisa, toontooma feeraha riiqda, haraanti aan kala joogsi laheyn, ayaa ka dhaqan galay qeybo badanoo Afrika kamid ah.

Waxaa intaasi u sii dheer,gaajo baahsan iyo calool madhan, harraad ama oon, kaneeco ku reebta cudurka maleeriyada, nadaafad darro,,iyo gurigii oo aan laheyn nolol maalmeed aanan laysku halleyn karin. Waalidkii dhalay cannugan dhibban, wuxuu aamminsanyahay ilaa hadda, in haddii aan canuga la garaacin, uusan wax baraneyn.

GUURE XAAJI DUDE: NINKII DHERBAAXAY GUUMEEYSTE INGIRIIS AHAA

Sannadkii 1958 ayaa ciidankii Soomaaliyeed ee ku sugnaa magaalada Wajeer (Wajir) kana tirsanaa maamulkii guumeeystihii ingiriiska oo dhammantood ahaa ha qabiil ayaa waxaa loo beddelay magaalada Siyaloow (Isiolo) waxaana laga reebay hal nin qudha.

Kuwii Siyaloow joogey oo ayaguna ahaa qabiil kale oo Soomaaliyeed ayaa waxaa loo soo beddelay Wajeer oo uu xukumayey gaal Caddaan ah oo la odhan jiray Sutter. Ninkii Soomaaliyeed ee ku hadhay Wajeer ayaa u sheegay Soomaalidii laga keenay Siyaloow in Sutter uu askartiisa ku garaaco suunka dhexda ugu xidhan.

Gaalkii ayaa waxay is maandhaafen askeri la odhan jiray Guure Xaaji Dude oo ka tirsanaa askartii Siyaloow laga soo beddelay. Sutter intuu suunkii dhexda ugu xidhnaa la soo baxay ku garaacay Guure Xaaji. Guure intuu udul qaadan waayey garaaca, ayuu gaalkii labada indhood dherbaaxo kala dhacay, halkaasoo gaalkii dhulka isa shalalay sidii lax gowrac sugeysa.

sutter markuu soo miyirsaday ayuu ku soo baraarugay askartiisii oo dammasanaa in Guure ay xabsiga dhigaan. Sutter, wuxuu ammar ku bixiyey inaanan Guure la xidhin. Sutter wuxuu askartii weydiiyey ninka dherbaaxay magaciisa waxaana loo sheegay in la yidhaahdo Guure Xaaji Dude. Beddelkuu ciqaabi lahaa ayuu Sutter geesigii dhulka dhigay ubaxshey 'Guure Wazimu'-taaso la micne ah Guurihii waalnaa. Dhacdadaasi kadib, Sutter wuu joojiyey garaacii uu caadeeystay.

Waxaa soo tebiyey sheekadan Xasan Jire.

GUUR, HALAQ GALEEN, IYO SADDEX GEERI

Nin baa wuxuu guursaday gabadh aad u qurux badan wuxuuna geeriyooday habeenkii koowaad ee ay aqal galeen. Ciddaddii markey ka baxday, ayaa waxaa dumaalay marxuumkii walaalihiisi mid ka mid ahaa asagana wuxuu dhintay habeenkii ugu horreeyay ee ay aqal galaan.

Soomaali dumaal waa u caado ee raggii noolaa waxay ka maarmi waayeen gabadha quruxdeeda iyo hab dhaqankeeda wanaagsanaa. Goortey ciddaddii ka baxdayna, waxaa dumaalay walaalkii labaad, asagiina isla habeenkii ay aqal galeen ayuu qudh baxay.

Deetana waxaa guursaday walaalkii saddexaad, asagiina wuxuu xijaabtay habeenkii ugu horreeyay.

Waa yaab iyo ammakaagee, gabadhii waxaa la aqal galay walaalkii afraad. Habeenkii ugu horreeyay ayuu diyaarsaday xarig iyo toorreey affeeysan. Intuu sasabay ayuu gurigii ka kaxeeyey wuxuuna geeyay meel guriga ka yara durugsan kadibna geed buu ku xiray.

Ayadoo geedkii ku xirxiran ayuu u cago jugleeyey. Intuu toorreeydii la soo baxay si uu u cabsi geliyo, ayuu ka codsaday iney u sheegto wixii walaalihiisi dilay Wuxuuna u sheegay haddii ay runta u bayaamiso oo xitaa ay qirato in ayada ay dishay, in uu cafinayo.

Runley bey aheyde, waxay ka codsatay in uusan waxba u geysan, maadaama ay run u sheegi doonto.Waxay tidhi, "mas baa caloosheyda ku jiraa wuxuuna soo baxaa markaan kaadinayo ama nin ii hawoodo ee ogoow walaalahaaga waxa dilay waa bahalkaasi igu dhex nool.." Ayadoo hadalkeedi sii wadata, ayaa waxay u sheegtay in bahalku horraan intaanan la guursan uu afka la soo bixi jiray marka ay kaadineyso oo uu leefleefi jiray kaadideeda.

Intuu gabadhii xarigga ka furay ayuu ka codsaday in ay u sheegto goor kastoo ay kaadi qabato, wuxuuna diyaarsaday surqin ka sammeysan xarig kaasoo uu ugu talo galay in bahalkaasi uu ku qabto. Wax yar kadib gabadhii kaadi ayaa qabatay weyna u sheegtay ninkeedi in uu diyaar garoobo.

Debedda ayey is la tageen weyna kada loobsatay oo billowday in ay kaadiso, isla markiina bahalkii ayaa madaxa la soo baxay oo xarriggii ayuu si fiican ula helay kana soo jiiday ferjigeeda. Mas weyn buu ahaayee, halkii ayuu ku dilay.

Wuxuu gabadhii ku wargeliyey in ay ogeysiiso mar kastoo ay kaadi qabato. Saddex jeer markey kaadisay habeenkaasi oo uu ninkii ka waayey wax ferjigeeda ka soo baxa, ayuu is dejiyey oo iska illaaway wixii tagoo hore. Gabadhii waxaay ninkeedii u dhashay 10 carruur ah weyna isku waareen.

GUUR, HALAQ GALEEN, IYO SADDEX GEERI

Nin baa wuxuu guursaday gabadh aad u qurux badan wuxuuna geeriyooday habeenkii koowaad ee ay aqal galeen. Ciddaddii markey ka baxday, ayaa waxaa dumaalay marxuumkii walaalihiisi mid ka mid ahaa asagana wuxuu dhintay habeenkii ugu horreeyay ee ay aqal galaan.

Soomaali dumaal waa u caado ee raggii noolaa waxay ka maarmi waayeen gabadha quruxdeeda iyo hab dhaqankeeda wanaagsanaa. Goortey ciddaddii ka baxdayna, waxaa dumaalay walaalkii labaad, asagiina isla habeenkii ay aqal galeen ayuu qudh baxay.

Deetana waxaa guursaday walaalkii saddexaad, asagiina wuxuu xijaabtay habeenkii ugu horreeyay.

Waa yaab iyo ammakaagee, gabadhii waxaa la aqal galay walaalkii afraad. Habeenkii ugu horreeyay ayuu diyaarsaday xarig iyo toorreey affeeysan. Intuu sasabay ayuu gurigii ka kaxeeyey wuxuuna geeyay meel guriga ka yara durugsan kadibna geed buu ku xiray.

Ayadoo geedkii ku xirxiran ayuu u cago jugleeyey. Intuu toorreeydii la soo baxay si uu u cabsi geliyo, ayuu ka codsaday iney u sheegto wixii walaalihiisi dilay Wuxuuna u sheegay haddii ay runta u bayaamiso oo xitaa ay qirato in ayada ay dishay, in uu cafinayo.

Runley bey aheyde, waxay ka codsatay in uusan waxba u geysan, maadaama ay run u sheegi doonto.Waxay tidhi, "mas baa caloosheyda ku jiraa wuxuuna soo baxaa markaan kaadinayo ama nin ii hawoodo ee ogoow walaalahaaga waxa dilay waa bahalkaasi igu dhex nool.." Ayadoo hadalkeedi sii wadata, ayaa waxay u sheegtay in bahalku horraan intaanan la guursan uu afka la soo bixi jiray marka ay kaadineyso oo uu leefleefi jiray kaadideeda.

Intuu gabadhii xarigga ka furay ayuu ka codsaday in ay u sheegto goor kastoo ay kaadi qabato, wuxuuna diyaarsaday surqin ka sammeysan xarig kaasoo uu ugu talo galay in bahalkaasi uu ku qabto. Wax yar kadib gabadhii kaadi ayaa qabatay weyna u sheegtay ninkeedi in uu diyaar garoobo.

Debedda ayey is la tageen weyna kada loobsatay oo billowday in ay kaadiso, isla markiina bahalkii ayaa madaxa la soo baxay oo xarriggii ayuu si fiican ula helay kana soo jiiday ferjigeeda. Mas weyn buu ahaayee, halkii ayuu ku dilay.

Wuxuu gabadhii ku wargeliyey in ay ogeysiiso mar kastoo ay kaadi qabato. Saddex jeer markey kaadisay habeenkaasi oo uu ninkii ka waayey wax ferjigeeda ka soo baxa, ayuu is dejiyey oo iska illaaway wixii tagoo hore. Gabadhii waxaay ninkeedii u dhashay 10 carruur ah weyna isku waareen.

JINNI IYO INSI IYO SHEEKO JACEYL

Nin Insi ahaa ayaa wuxuu qabay labo haween ah oo mid ay aheyd Insi, ta kalena, Jinni. Haweeneeyda Inisiga ah waxay u dhashay saddex wiil, halka ta Jinniga aheydna, hal wiil. Odeygii labadan qoys maamuli jiray ayaa waxaa soo riday geeri maadaama uu gaboobay.

Wiilkii Jinniga iyo Insiga iska dhalka ahaa ayaa wuxuu jeclaaday gabadh aad u qurux badneyd oo aheyd Jinni. Hooyadii dhashay ayuu wiilkii u soo bandhigay jaceylka hayo iyo gabadha u eg sida dayax shan iyo toban ah, indho deero leh, dahabna lagu mitaali karo. Hooyo waa lama huraanee, waxay kula talisay in arrinkaasi ay u soo bandhigto walaalahiisa Insiga ahaa, sidii ayuuna yeelay.

Saddexdii walaal ee Insiga ahaa ayaa waxay walaalkoodi Jinka ahaa ee jaceylka soo riday ku war geliyeen in dhammaantood ay arrinkaasi kala xaajoodaan adeerkood oo la odhan jiray Mataan Qoolleey oo asaguna Insi ahaa. Kadib markey adeerkood uga sheekeeyeen xaalku siduu yahay, ayey dhammaantood safar galeen oo abbaareen dhankii gabadhii Jinniyadda aheyd ay ku nooleeyd ayagoo u siday eheladeedii iyo qaraabadeedii , haddiyad qiimi badan.

Geel Xanuunsan iyo Mid Fayoow

Waxey cagta, cagta saaraan ba, waxay soo galeen dhul Jinka ka taliyo oo wax Insi ah aan laguba arag. Waxay arkeen labo kooxood oo geel ah oo qaarkood gaboobeen oo innaba wax shanqadh ah ayan ka muuqan gabow awgeed iyo koox kale oo burraaqoonaya da' yaraan awgeed. Saddexdii wiil ee Insiga ahaa mid kamid ahaa ayaa arrinkii la yaabay oo cudur daartay, wuxuuna codsaday in la fasaxo oo uu ku laabto halkii ay ka soo hayaameen kal hore, waana laga aqbalay.

Saddexdii Ceel ee Cajiibka Badnaa

Safar kale ayey galeen oo hore u sii dhaqaajiyeen. Waxa xilligan wada socda waa wiilkii Jinka ahaa, labadii wiil ee Insiga ahaa iyo adeerkood. Cabbaar waxay socdaan ba, waxay arkeen saddex ceel. Labada ceel ee dhinacyada jira biyo ayey isku tuurtuuraayeen, halka ka dhexena uu madhnaa ama ingegnaa. Wiilkii Insiga ahaa ee labaad ayaa khalkhal galay wuxuuna codsaday in laga raalli ahaado oo uu dib ugu laabto degmadii ay ka soo kicitimeen billowgii safarkooda, waana laga yeelay. Waxaa isku soo hadhay hal wiil oo Insi ah, wiilkii Jinka ahaa iyo adeerkood

Jinnigii Tunka Weynaa

Xoogaa markey socdeen, ayey arkeen nin Jin ah oo gooynaya ama dumminaya geed baaxad weyn, deetana qaadi kari waayeey. Wax yar kadibna, Jinkii intuu sagaal geed oo kale wada jaray ama dumiyey, hal mar wada xambaaray. Halkii wiil ee Insiga ahaa ee soo hadhay ayaa wuxuu codsaday in loo sabro oo halkii uu horraan ka imi ku laabto, waana laga ogolaaday. Waxaa soo hadhay adeerkii iyo wiilkii Jinka ahaa.

Isbedel Jawi Deegaan

Wiilkii Jinka ahaa iyo adeerkii ayaa hal mar dareemay isbedel jawi oo waxay ku soo baxeen qaryad leh geedo aysan hore u arag, bilic cusub, cadeceed iyo ileys cajabiyey, shimbiro leh muuqaal iyo midab noocyo badan, iyo ugaadh iyo xoolo kaga yaabshey. Waxay muuqaal walba milicsadaanba, ugu danbeyn waxay u tageen aabbihii dhalay gabadhii loo dan lahaa. Salaan kadib, odeygii gabadha dhalay ayaa wuxuu u yeedhay gabadhii oo wuxuu faray in martida ay u keento gogol ay ku fadhiistaan. Wax yar kadibna gabadhii weey keentay wixii la faray.

Wax Weydiin Ogaal

Adeerkii wiilka la socday, ayaa wuxuu weydiiyey duqii Jinka ahaa ee gabadha dhalay, bal inuu wax uga sheego waxyaabihii layaabka badnaa ee ay la soo kulmeen intey safarka ku soo jireen. Wuxuu weeydiiyey geelii xanuunsanaa iyo kii fayoobaa, saddexdii ceel, iyo Jinkii tunka weynaa.

Waayeelkii Jinka ahaa ayaa mid mid u kala saaray waxay ahaayeen waxay soo arkeen:

1. Geeli xanuunsanaa waxay muujinayeen odayaasha oo aan la dhageysan doonin hadalkooda loona diidi doono wax xukun ah ayadoo kuwii caafimaadka qabay ahaayeen dhallinyaro kuwaasoo la wareegi doono xukun walba, waana calaamadaha muujinaya in Qiyaamaha soo dhowyahay.
2. Saddexdii ceel ee labo biyo isku tuurtuurayeen kii dhexda ku jireyna ingegnaa ama madhnaa waa taajiriinta oo wax isa siinaya, is caawinaya, is gargaaraya; halka ceelkii dhexda ku jiray ee madhnaa ahaa dadka danyarta ama masaakiinta oo la illoobi doono oo aan waxba la siin doonin. Maal qabeennada dheg uma dhigi doonaan kuwa aan waxba haysan umana gargaari doonaan goortey Qiyaamaha soo dhowdahay.
3. Jinkii tunka weynaa ee qaadi waayey hal geed, deetana qaaday 10 geed waa qof dukaan ama bank deyn ka daldalanaya. Dukaanka ama bankiga ugu horreeya ayaa u diidi doonaa ama ka joojin doonaa deynta markey ku badato oo uu iska bixin waayo. Kolbo dukaan ama bank siduu deyn uga qaadanayo ayuu waayi doonaa meel uu deyn ka qaato. Waana calaamadaha Qiyaamaha mid kamid ah.

Guntii iyo Gebagebadii

Odeygii Jinka ahaa markuu tarjummaaddii bogay, ayuu u sheegay wiilkii iyo adeerkiisi in aysan odhan ‘Bismillaahi’ maadaama uu Jinku ka xijaabanyahay. Kadib gabadhii ayuu wacay si ay uga qaaddo gogosha. Wey timid oo qaadday gogoshii. Intey sii socotay ayaa labadii martida aheyd arkeen gabadhii sii socotay oo lugo qoobab leh, markaasey hal mar wada yidhaahdeen, ‘Bismillaahi’. Dabadeed, wax ilbidhiqsi ka yar ayaa waxay is arkeen ayagoo taagan degmadii ay ka soo kicitimeen. 

XAABADII INDHOOLAHA ARAGGA U FURTAY

Aabbe indhoole ayaa wiilashiisi mid ka mid ah faray in uu kaheeyo hal iyo rati oo hasha uu soo gado, ratigana badar lagu soo raro. Odeygii wuxuu la dardaarmay wiilkiisa in wax faataxa la socoto uu ku gado hasha.

Wiilkii hashii ayuu suuqa geeyey. Intaasi iga sii markii la dhahaba wuxuu sii raaciyaa,oraahda ah "maxaa la socdaa." Dadkii suuqa xoolaha joogay ayaa la yaabay, weyna ka kala dhaqaaqeen.

Markuu hashii iib ku waayey, ayuu soo carraabiyey. Intuu dhexda soo socdey ayuu la kulmay habar xaabo dhabarka ku sidato. Wey wareysatay wuxuuna u sheegay in hasha oo uu iib la rabay laga gadan waayey.

Habartii ayaa ka codsatay wiilkii in ayada uu ka gado hasha. Wuxuu weydiiyey qiimaha ay ka siineyso waxayna ugu jawaabtay in xaabada ay dhabarka ku sidatay kaga iibsaneyso. Su'aal ayuu daba dhigay oo wuxuu weydiiyey, "maxaa la socdaa"? Waxay ugu jawaabtay, "waxaa la socdaa afar faataxa oo min iyo moora gasho."

Xaabadii ayuu ka guddoomay wuxuuna ku wareejiyey hashii, halkii laga sugaayey badar. Markuu degmadiisi tegey ayaa lagu soo xoomay oo lagu buuqay. Odeygii wiilka dhalay ee indhoolaha ahaa ayaa dadkii ka codsaday in wiilkiisa ay ka joojiyaan buuqa iyo sawaxanka. .

Odeygii wuxuu su'aalay wiilkii oo wuxuu weydiiyey halkii ay ku dambeysay hashii uu faray in uu soo gado wuxuuna ugu jawaabay in dardaarankiisi uu ahaa in uusan gadin hasha haddii aysan faataxa la socon waxa looga iibinayo.

Markuu iib lacageed ku waayey ayuu xaabo faataxa la socoto ku doorsaday. Odeygii xaabadii ayuu shiday, iskuna qiiqiyey kadibna indhihii ayaa ufurmay. Xaabadii 10,000 oo indhoole ahaa ayaa lagu daweeyey mid walibana wuxuu ka qaatay labo qaalmood oo geel ah. Sow la yaab ma aha?

WALAALKII XASADKA AHAA

Goobtu waa xeryaha qaxootiga Kiiniya mid ka mid ah oo Soomaali badanoo soo barakacay ay degganyihiin.

Labo walaalo ah ayaa midkood labo wiil oo uu dhalay loo diray Mareykanka hab qaxootinimo. Wax yar kadib, wiilashii shaqo ayey billaabeen. Lacag aan kala joogsi laheyn ayey aabbahood u soo xawili jireen. Odeygii wuxuu is yidhi, alleylehe gaajo dambe is arki meysaan.

Odeygii wuxuu yeeshay raxan saaxiibbo ah oo uu qaadka u gado, kii la dhashayna wuu illoobay oo waxba uma uusan garan. Walaalkiisi ayaa dhowr jeer baryey bal inuu mucaawino u fidiyo maadaama kuwa debedda jira uu adeer u yahay ayna lamid yihiin kuwa asaga uu dhalay.

Muddo saddex sano ayey wiilashii lacag soo xawilayeen ayadoo adeerkoodkii laxmiga ahaana uu ka qatanaa. Maalin maalmaha kamid ah ayaa odeygii wiilasha dhalay loo soo diray lacag buuran. Walaalkiisi oo la socday lacagta la soo diray, ayaa ugaga hortagay xawaaladda wuxuuna ka codsaday inuu wax siiyo maadaama gurigiisa aanan dab laga shidin oo carruurtiina ay ka qatan yihiin. Wuxuu ugu jawaabay, "wax micna leh layma soo dirin oo waa in yaroo aan deyn isaga bixinaayo."

Kama uusan daba harine, asagoo is qarinaya ayuu daba galay kana soo kor dhacay walaakii oo goobta qaadka lagu iibiyo lacagta firdhinaya. Intuu garabka ka taabtay ayuu ku yiri, "ha iska dhammeyn lacagta waayo maanta ayaa kuugu dambeysa lacag damboo wiilashaada kuu soo diraan."

Dhowr maalmood kadib, kii wiilasha Mareykanka jiray dhalay ayaa telefoon qof ay qaraabo ahaayeen u soo diray una sheegay in labadii wiil midkood gaari jiiray oo uu geeriyooday, kii kalena uu waashey oo marada tuuray.

CAAQIL, WADAAD, IYO GEEL JIRE

Saddex nin baa walaalo ahaa. Mid wuxuu ahaa caaqil, midna wadaad, ka saddexaadna geeljire. Aabbihii dhalay ayaa si lama filaan ah ifka ka tegey asagoon ka dardaarmin sidii raggani uu ka xjiaabtay ay xoolaha dhaxalka ah u qeybsan lahaayeen.

Caaqilkii ayaa wuxuu ku dooday in xoolaha loo badiyo maadaama markastoo dadka kale ay damcaan in ay qaaraan ka qaadaan uu xoolahooda difaaci jiray oo aan hal neefna laga qaadi jirin. Labadii kale ayaa ku gacan seyray.

Waddaadkii baa hadloo wuxuu ku calaacalay in tiro badan la siiyo maadaama uu weligiis xoolahaasi xirsi xir iyo xijaab la daba taagnaan jiray, Qur'aan akhriskana ay caado u aheyd. Wuu ku hungoobay codsigiisi.

Geel Jirihii ayaa wuxuu xasuusiyey labadii kale in uu asagu xoolaha ka celin jiray ugaadha sida libaaxa, shabeelka, haramcadka iyo dhurwaaga waana laga diiday.

Haddaba, maadaama lays mari waayey, ayaa caaqilkii labadii kale ku wargeliyey in ay raadshaan cid kala saarta. Wuxuu u sheegay in uu jiro nin abwaan ah oo caan ku ah garsoorka iyo xaq dhowrka.

Safar dheer ayey u kicitimeen si ay ula kulmaan ninkan ku caan baxay xaajo goynta. Goortey u tageen abwaankii, ayuu faray in uu jiro nin asaga ka abwaansan oo deggan masaafo aan sidaasi u dheereyn. Hase yeeshee, wuxuu ku wargeliyey in ay jiraan labo libaax oo dad cun ah oo hadhsada waddada ay sii mari doonaan.

Xoogaa markey sii socdeen, ayey la kulmeen labadii libaax oo heegan ku jira. Labadii libaax mid ka mid ah ayaa hadlay oo wuxuu ku yidhi raggii, "naga fakan meysaane iska soo saara midkiin sifa aynu u cunno." Caaqilkii ayaa u jawaabay oo ku yidhi, ".bal noo yara kaadiya aynu tashanne oo aynu iska soo saarre kii aad cuni laheydeen."

Caaqilkii ayaa wuxuu u jeedsaday dhankii wadaadkii, wuxuuna ka codsaday in uu libaaxyada ka xijaabo. Waddaadkiina wuxuu yidhi, "xilligaan soo dhaqaajinnay illaa hadda un baan Qur'aan akhrin hayee, LIBAAXII ALAMTARA SOO DHAAF."

Kadib caaqilkii wuxuu la hadlay Geel Jirihii. Wuxuu ku yidhi, "heedhe, adiga un baa weligaa xoolaha raaci jiraye, bal si un naga dheh bahalladan oo naga celi", wuxuuna Geel Jirihii ugu jawaabay, "kuwanoo kale weligey ma aanan arag oo waa libaaxyo nooc kale ah."

Xaajadu markey halkaasi mareyso, ayuu caaqilkii wadaadkii iyo Geel Jirihii ku yidhi, "haddaan bahalladan inaga celiyo, nus dhaxalka ma qaadanayaa."? Wey aqbaleen.

Caaqilkii ayaa u tegey labadii libaax wuxuuna ku yidhi, "annagu aabbaheen boqor weeye, ee adinku, labadiinna keebaa boqor ah."?.Labadii libaax ayaa is galay oo dagaallamay. Ayagoo is rifaya, ayey si tartiib ah ka dhex xaluusheen. Abwaankii loo tegi lahaana looma baahan oo halkii ayey ka soo laabteen.

Caaqilkii ayaa kala badh qaatay dhaxalkii, labadii kalena intii soo hadhay ayey qeybsadeen.

SADDEXDII CABDI IYO DARDAARANKII AABBAHOOD

Aabbe ayaa wuxuu ifka kaga tegey saddex wiil oo mid waliba la odhan jiray Cabdi. Dardaarankii aabbe ee ugu dambeeyey intuusan dhimman kahor ayaa wuxuu ahaa, "Cabdi dhaxal kuma laha maalka aan ifka kaga tegayo."

Saddexdii wiil ayaa muran iyo qalalaasa ka dhex dillaacay oo mid waliba wuxuu isu arkayey in asagu dhaxalku wax ku leeyahay. Markey is mari waayeen, ayaa midkood wuxuu soo jeediyey in ay u tagaan nin abwaan ama caaqil ahaa si uu u kala saaro.

Abwaankii oo degganaa meel aan sidaasi uga fogeyn tuuladoodi, ayey ka dul dhaceen ammin casar ah, weyna u warrameen sababta ay ugu immaadeen.

Abwaankii saddexdii Cabdi wuxuu u kala saaray Cabdi 1, Cabdi 2, iyo Cabdi 3 si uu u kala aqoonsado. Miid waliba wuxuu gogol u dhigay geedo kala durugsan.

Cabdi 1 ayuu cunto u geeyay wuxuuna faray in uu cuno. Xoogaa markuu ka cunay, ayuu u sheegay abwaanka in inta soo hadhay uu u geeyo walaalkii Cabdi 2. Abwaankii hambadii Cabdi 1 ma uusan qaadin oo halkeedi ayuu kaga tegey.

Deetana abwaankii Cabdi 2 ayuu sidoo kale xeero cunto ku jidho u geeyay kuna wargeliyey in uu cuno. Cabdi 2 sidoo kale cuntadii wuu soo hambeeyay wuxuuna faray abwaanka in inta soo hadhay uu u gudbiyo walaalkii Cabdi 1. Abwaankii ma uusan qaadin hambadii Cabdi 2 oo halkey tiil ayuu kaga dhaqaajiyey.

Ugu dambeyntii abwaankii wuxuu raashiin bisil la gaadhay Cabdi 3 waxbana ma uusan soo hambeyn oo xeeradii oo madhan ayuu dhinac isaga tuuray.

Abwaankii saddexdii wiil ayuu kulmiyey wuxuuna u sheegay in Cabdiga aabbahood ka dardaarmay uu yahay Cabdi 3. Sidii ayaa gartii lagu dhammeeyey oo Cabdi 3 wax dhaxal ah ma uusan helin.

CALEEMO SAARKII MADAXWEYNEY HABAR KUULEY

Intey ka daashay siyaasadda ragga maskaxdoodda rogmaday ee waxba rimmin waayey muddo rubuc qarni ah, ayey hal maalin Soomaali Weyn caleemo saaratay madaxweyney karaamo badan Habar Kuuley. Maalinkii la caleemo saarayey, waxaa dib u soo noolaaday hiddihii iyo dhaqankii Soomaali ee ku sigtay in uu cidhib tirmo. Waa loo gabyey, loo dhaanteeyay, loo buraanburay, loo heeesay, loo geeraaray, loo dab shiday waana loo sacabbo tumay.

Caleemo qoyan ayaa loo lulay, roog casaan badan ayey ku dul socotay, salaan sharaf ayey ka guddoontay Xoogga Dalka Soomaaliyeed (XDS) iyo Ciidanka Booliska Soomaaliyeed. Raas Caeyr ilaa Raas Kiyaambooni inta u dhaxeysa, ayey Soomaali wada dammaashaaddey. Calankii Soomaaliyeed ee midabka buluugga lahaa kana dhex muuqday xiddigga shanta gees leh, ayaa magaalo kasta laga taagay loona qaaday heestii qaranka.

Goobta lagu qabtay caleemo saarka, ma aheyn Tarabuunka walaa Istaadiyo Muqdisho ama Istaadiyo Koonis, ee waxey aheyd Xerada weyn ee Xalane oo goor hore ay qalabkooda ka gurteen ciidamadii shisheeye ee hore u degganaan jiray kuna takri fali jiray qaranimada Soomaaliyeed.

Mutacallimiin ku xeel dheer xukunkan lama filaanka ah ee Habar Kuuley, waxey ku sifeeyeen mid aan hore loo arag oo horseed u noqon doona siyaasad casri ah oo dunida qaarkeed ka soo curan doonta.

Boqolkii maalmood ee ugu horreeyay ee Habar Kuuley ay xukunka haysey, wax dembi ah dalka kama dhicin, in kastoo boqolaal dagaal oogeyaal iyo huwantooda qoorta laga wada jaray kadib markii maxkammado dalka laga hirgeliyey ku caddeeyeen in ay galeen dembiyo lid ku ah qaranimada iyo nabadgelyada dalka,

Habar Kuuley waxay wacad ku martay in ay dhaqan gelin doonto shuruucdii ay ku dhaqmi jidhay Carrraweelo-taasoo aheyd in rag badan xiniinyaha laga jari doono haddey u hoggaansami waayaan habsami u socodka siyaasadda cusub ee dalka ka curtay.

Muqdisho: Daryeel La'aanta Deegaanka Muqdisho, WQ Feysal Rooble

https://files.acrobat.com/a/preview/673561c2-ee1d-4a61-9578-ace4270dbf5e

AN INTERVIEW WITH KENYAN-SOMALI PROFESSIONAL PILOT AND RETIRED ARMY MAJOR MOHAMUD AHMED ISMAIL

March 31, 2016

By WardheerNews

Editor’s Note: WardheerNews brings to its readers an in-depth interview with Mohamud Ahmed Ismail, a distinguished Kenyan-Somali professional pilot and a former retired Major of the Kenya Army. Mr. Mohamud talks about growing up in a nomadic culture in North Eastern Kenya, his professional life as a pilot and the aviation industry in East Africa. The interview was conducted for WardheerNews by Adan Makina, who is currently based in Kenya.

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WardheerNews (WDN): Welcome to WardheerNews Mr. Mohamud. Could you please tell our readers about your background history especially a touch on your education and professional training?

Pilot Mohamud Ahmed

Pilot Mohamud: Thank you brother Makina and the whole fraternity of WardheerNews for having me. It’s a pleasure and a privilege I cannot fathom! I was born in the northern outskirts of Garissa, near the small town called Sakha to a Somali camel herdsmen way back in the early sixties when Kenya was almost attaining its independence. Three months later my father passed away, May Allah (Subxaanahu Wa Tacaalaa) admit him to Jannah, Aammiin.

I passed through the rigmarous of an orphan in that environmental settings. My mother got married to one of my distant uncles and we had to move to Bura, where people rare cows and are more riverine. By the age of four, I was looking after goats and cows of course, with the tutelage of senior boys, and occasionally girls. By the stroke of fate, I developed some complications on my right leg and it almost became gangrenous. My relatives thought that I was of no use and they brought me to Bura town to join my mum as they presumed me beyond economic value. I got treated in the most painful ways. They pierced five spots of my tight femur with a red hot iron rod. The pains were excruciating and lots of pus and blood oozed out. A few weeks down the line, I was up and able to walk.

I was taken to a local Dugsi or Islamic religious school but I ran away after less than a year as I couldn’t sustain the memorization and the constant beatings. My mother took me to the local primary school lest my elder relatives return me to herding. I joined Garissa High School and later I was taken to do Physiotherapy at a Nairobi College. I was moved by the massacres and the harrowing experiences of the women and children of the infamous 1980 Garissa Gubaay or the burning of Garissa. Immediately, I joined the Kenya Armed Forces in 1981 who were then the alleged culprits of murder and mayhem in Garissa.

WDN: What attracted you to the aviation industry and how did you become a pilot in the first place?

Pilot Mohamud: Well, as was the joining of the Armed Forces, I became a pilot by the stroke of fate. In one of the days of career choices, I thought I should try and do the Pilots’ Aptitude Test to avoid doing some heavy physical work. By then, I had never been close to any aircraft. The test was tough and the time given unbelievably was short. Amazingly, I did well and after being Commissioned as a Second Lieutenant, by the then President Daniel Arab Moi, I was among the fortunate ones who were shipped to Nairobi as Flight Cadets.

WDN: What type of aircrafts have you flown and for how long have you been airborne?

Pilot Mohamud: I have flown various types of Aircrafts. Both Fixed Wing and Rotorcrafts or Helicopters are in my licenses. I have flown a total of over 12,000 hours in both categories.

WDN: In Kenya, Somalis have been leading other ethnic groups in aircraft ownership. What gives Kenya-Somalis leverage over ethnic groups in terms of aircraft ownership?

Pilot Mohamud: The breakdown of the Siad Barre Government has been the harbinger of glad tidings for the Somali Aviation businesses. Due to the lack of good road, rail and sea transport, Aviation transport became the only viable option. The inter-clan wars, the sprawling up of self-styled militias, mercenaries, pirates and gun-totting, ramshackle armed groups whose source of income was to kill, maim and forcefully abduct any vehicle, ship and their valuable cargo has given rise to aviation as the sole transport option. International aid groups and the UN has also been moving their aid cargo by air. Only Somali-owned or competent related entities got entry into the Kenyan aviation arena and the end result was a safe haven and an enhanced aviation industry. So is the sprawling Kenyan Registered aircraft owned mainly by Kenyan-Somalis or anyone else who satisfied the Kenyan Regulatory Authority as to their ability to run a safe and a reliable air industry.

 WDN: Everyday, tons of the mind-altering drug known to Somalis as Qaad is delivered to various destinations inside Somalia either by speeding Toyota Land Cruisers nicknamed ‘kabeyr’ or by ramshackle jets assembled in the former Soviet Union. Have you ever flown aircraft that deliver Miraa to Somalia that you would consider unfit to fly or outrageously dangerous to operate?

Pilot Mohamud: Dozens of aircrafts fly to Somalia carrying these cargo. However, no Soviet made aircraft has been registered in Kenya to ferry Miraa. It’s a lie and a misnomer. The carriers have always been American, Canadian and to a lesser extent, European manufactured aircrafts. The Cessna, the Beechcraft, De Havilland, the Hawker Siddeley, and the Fokker are the main aircrafts on these routes.

WDN: Are there dangers that discourage pilots from flying into Somali airspace? If there are perceived dangers of any sort, how can they be amended, overcome or rectified so that an airspace that conforms to international standards can be enforced for Somalia?

Pilot Mohamud: There are myriads of challenges that hamper pilots venturing into the Somali airspace. There is no reliable regulatory authority to provide air traffic control and navigation, weather, and search and rescue for Somali airspace. Airworthiness and ground handling services, just to mention a few, seem to be missing. The risk associated with flying into Somali airspace is like flying into a dead airspace with the possibility of meeting air pirates and an alien missile from a mad warlord heavy on a mind-altering substance.

Read more: WardheerNews Interview with Pilot Mohamud Ahmed

WardheerNews
Email: admin@wardheernews.com

http://www.voasomali.com/content/article/3211505.html

TANOO KALE WELI LAMA ARAG!

Waa odey dhaqameedyo dhaqdhaqaaqoodu sii laba jibaarma xilliyada doorashooyinka ay dalka ka curtaan. Waa xillliga dakhliga ugu badan ay soo xareeyaan-dakhligaasoo ay u isticmaalaan si lid ku ah dhaqanka suuban.

Dhagarta iyo hagardaamooyiinka soo jireenka ah ee ay kula kici jireen bulshada ay matalaan, ayaa dib ugu soo butaacay kuna dhaliyey dhammantood dhaawacyo halis ku noqday jiritaankooda dadnimo iyo caafimaadkooda guud.

Maadaama ay bahaloobeen kana fogaadeen tabaha toosan, waxaa mid waliba lagu ibtileeyey xanuunno ama cudurro ayaga u gaar ah. Dabcan, xumaanloowga madax-ku-sheegga ah, ma dhergo mana dheefo, ayaatiin wacanna kuma noolaado.

Xaqa dadweynaha oo lagu tuntaa waxey horseeddaa shallaayto siyaabo badan u aafeeysa ka ismooday in uu ku waaraayo barwaaqo beytimaal badan inta uu addunka dul wadhan yahay.

Hunguri weyne iyo keligiii haayste waa labo garasho yar, waayo xitaa haddii ay isa soo caseeyaan sida shimbirka Daa'uuska la yidhaa, oogadooda waxaa wasakheeyaa Ibleys har iyo habeen diyaar u ah in uu kala dhantaalo nadaafaddooda iyo caafimadkooda guud.

Haddaba akhristow, bal aynu eegno sidii loo ciqaabay ama loo abaalmariyey saddex waayeel oo si xun u daajiyey beelihii ay hoggaanka u hayeen.

Kii Qoorta Laga Qalay
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Ninkani wuxuu ahaa keligii cune aan cidi kale u ogoleyn dheef iyo dheecaan intuba. Wax kastoo uu soo jabsada xilliga doorashooyinka, lacagi haba ugu badnaatee, inta maro ku duuduubo, ayuu ka dhigan jiray barkin.

Goortuu ka hayaamaya gurigiisana, wuu xaseysan jiray barkintaasi qaaliga la aheyd. Cabbaar ka dib, qoortii ayaa laga soo baxay-baxdintiina waxey isu beddeshay nabar dheecaan iyo dhusuq badan.

Wuxuu gu'yaal badan qoortiisi buktay qariyaba oo uu ahaado bukaan socod, ugu danbeyn cudur baa soo riday wuxuuna noqday bukaan jiif bilqan cusbatal qaddiimi ah.

Ninkani keligii quutaha ahaa, goor danbe ayaa lagu sammeeyey qalliin-qalliinkaasoo ku dhaafay calaamad ama nabar fool xun oo uusan abidkiis illoobin.

Kii Kilkisha Laga Qalay
------------------------------

Ninkani shiliinkuu soo dhacsdaba, inta cimmaamad ku duuduubo ayuu kilkisha ku keydsan jiray. Weligii intuu cimmaamaddaasi dhul ku fidiyey kama dhigan salli uu ku tukado salaadaha faralka ama kuwa sunnada intuba.

Kilkishiisa ayaa u aheyd bank ama keydka hantidiisa. Hadduu maqaaxi ka cunteynaayo, inta musqusha galo ayuu kala soo bixi jiray xoogaagii uu isaga bixin lahaa cuntada iyo marduufkii uu ku mirqaami lahaa.

Haddaba, in muddo ah kadib waxaa kilkishiisi ka soo baxay nabar weyn illaa uu gacantii qaadi waayo. Cimmamaddii inta xamili waayey qaadashadeeda, ayuu gebigeedaba xaafaddiisa meel ka mid ah isaga xaseeyay.

Markuu u dulqaadan waayey xanuun iyo taah badan oo aan kala go' laheyn, ayuu cusbatalka is geeyay. Waa la qalay waxaana laga lisay dhiig iyo malax is wata, waxaana laga jaray baruur qudhuntay iyo qanjidho waaweyn. Gacantii wuu ka naafoobay. Wax badso, wax beel ayey leedahay!

Kii Naaska Laga Qalay
-----------------------------

Shilinkuu helaba, wuxuu ku shubi jiray jeebado waaweynoo xabadkiisa ka dul tolnaa. Illeyn raggu ma laha naaso dumaree, shaf-biciidle wuxuu ragga kale kaga duwanaa shafkiisa oo u ekaaday ka hablaha oo kale. Tamashleyn iyo findhicilsi aan qarsooneyn, qosol been ah iyo sheeko qaras ah waa ta gaarsiisay garaad uusan laheyn.

Illeyn waa nooca Ibleys u sacabbo tumo e', ninkii is qaadqaadka badnaa ee jeebadaha weynaa, heer wuxuu gaadhay xabadkii uu lacagta ku shubi jiray, in ay ka soo baxaan labo naasoodo midkiiba ka weyn midhaha qaraha.

Haba iska weynaadaane, waxaa intaa u sii dheeraa dildillaac iyo dheecaan aan kala joogsi laheyn. Wuxuu gaadhay heer sanka laga qabsado, inaan salaanta laga qaadin, iyo in la takooro sida doofaarka nijaasada badan.

Waa adduun tegey ta maanta aynu joognee, ta keliya uu ku fakaday waa horumarka laga gaadhay caafimaadka. Asagoo laga labbalabboonaya, ayaa ambalaans lagu qaaday lana dhigay keyd caafimaadoo ka ag dhowaa gurigiisa.

Qalliin qaatay sacado kadib, waxay dhakhaatiirtii ku guuleeystaan in ay badbaadiyaan naftiisi kana soo saaraan naas waliba wax ka weyn badhi idaad kana yar kuruska geela. Ninkii xabadkaa weynaa ee jeebadihiisa maaxi jireen sida ceel aan gudhin, wuxuu noqday sida fiidmeertada habeenkii socota, illeyn filimadii uu jili jiray maalinkii ayaa ka galay god mugdi ah oo aan la baacsan karin xilliyada cadceedda si talantaallis u ganta fallaaraha firdhisan.

AN INTERVIEW WITH KENYAN-SOMALI POLITICIAN ABDIRAHIM FARAH

July 25, 2015

By WardheerNews

Editor’s Note: To better understand the state of affairs of Kenya Somali inhabited regions , particularly Garissa county since the adaption of County Governance System, where each county is managed by an elected local official, WardheerNews is pleased to bring to you an exclusive interview with Abdirahim Farah, a former Parliamentary aspirant for Garissa township. A man well-versed in how the county and the country operate, Abdirahim sheds light on the growing insecurity and malfeasance in the county and the Kenya nation as a whole. The interview was conducted for WardheerNews by our own Adan Makina.
……………….

Wardheer News (WDN): Abdirahim Farah welcome back to Wardheer News; since our last interview in June 30, 2011, is there any progress in the country, and what is your current assessment of the socio-economic and political situation in Kenya, particularly your home region, Garissa County?

Abdirahim Farah

Abdirahim: Adan thank you for the interview and I have come to recognize WardheerNews as a partner in information sharing since our last encounter. I would also like to wish WardheerNews and the audience Happy  Eid ul-Fitri.

Kenya is continuously evolving in all directions. The change experienced in the past two years as a nation is both negative and positive. The new style of governance as occasioned by the new constitution, is both interesting and frustrating especially to the old guards. We have witnessed major state resource in terms of budgetary allocation towards development. Infrastructure has been given a lot of serious attention, youth empowerment and gender equity is in focus, poverty reduction and support of vulnerable groups is highlighted and many other positive moves. On the other hand, there is gross misappropriation of resources, insecurity of unlevelled magnitude and most of all deterioration of basic rights of the citizen. The negative observations are more pronounced in our region and the positives have been reaching us at snails speed.

WDN: What significant progress do you see since the creation of the county government in the last general election in 2013 and the subsequent devolution of power that gave the Somali-dominated region the right to sort out their differences and embark on the road to recovery and progress, particularly in the area of employment and economic developments?

Abdirahim: Let me start with by saying first of all devolution is the best thing that has happened to our region and for the pastoralist in general since independence. A lot of financial resources that never came to the region before was seen at our disposal. The sectors that were devolved benefited immensely and we hope others like education should be devolved.

But like all inventions, there is a learning process. We have to learn how to dispense and what controls to put on expenditure. I will say in the first years this process was far from perfect. My hope and prayer is we will improve as we grow and the National Government will continue supporting and increasing the resource to the counties.

WDN: Although, Kenya, in its quest for a devolved system of governance adopted a County Government system, however, it still upholds non-elected county commissioners. What is the role of these county commissioners and do their roles overlap or conflict with that of the authority of the county governors?

Abdirahim: In the structure of governance, devolution comes under the Ministry of devolution and National Planning. There are fifteen other ministries under the national government whose functions have not been devolved or half devolved. It is also good to note that Kenya, as a nation, was born from a colonial setting and some of the cultures of governance were inherited from the colonial father who made us believe that it is the way of doing business of governance. We have not been bold enough to throw away some of the structures that support colonialist thinking. This includes the provincial administration, the national identification card and the use of brute force in policing. As this is the norm, our style of governance will continue to include provincial administration and the justification is always that they coordinate government activities. In the new constitutional dispensation, their role has been consumed by the county structure and should have been long gone. But because of our mindset, this is likely to stay and duplicate the county structure.

WDN: Garissa has been in the international media spotlight mainly after the attack on the Garissa University College this year when approximately 148 aspiring college students were indiscriminately gunned down in cold blood by suspected extremist elements. What followed next was a massive departure of teachers and healthcare professionals from other regions and a prolonged curfew that hurt the economy and the general living conditions of the public in Garissa County. Do you think the administration running Garissa County and the national security apparatus were well prepared to avert the impending security fiasco that shook the region unawares?

Abdirahim: No, they were not well prepared and might not be anytime soon. I say so because; in the Garissa university incident the authorities got information of the incident. In fact, they even put a note for the students to stay vigilant due to eminent attack. If they could not avert this, then which one can they do? In fact even giving the students small training on what to do in case anything like this happens would have been helpful. Rumors has that all senior officers had gone for Easter, the police patrol vehicles were grounded because of no fuel and those policemen on site left because they did not have enough ammunition. This was a total failure of the national security and blaming Garissa leaders and residents is to me a big shame. Garissa people are as victims as the students. We suffer at the hands of the terrorists and at the hands of the security organs.

Security is the prerogative of the state and the security personnel have their job description to secure the lives and property of the citizens. If they fail, no one else can play their role.

WDN: How would you assess Garissa County Government’s handling of the socio economic affairs of its people, is Garissa County Government all-inclusive and is on the right pass toward advancing the development of the county both human and infrastructure in pace with the rest of the country?

Abdirahim: Below average. This is because mainly we are learning the process of devolution and there is no proper guide or a mentor. When we realize the resource available is enough for everyone if managed and cannot sustain one person if mismanaged, then we will have an all-inclusive, process oriented and development focused county. But as long as we are operating on a clan focused and it-is-my-time to eat attitude, then we will not go far.

The latter is the situation at the moment. It is exacerbated by the fact there is leadership deficiency and lack of systems.

WDN: Corruption has grown widespread in the county government and misappropriation of funds has rendered the county government totally broke. Case in point, recent reports indicated the governor of Garissa County was allegedly implicated in the leasing of ambulances from Emergency Plus Medical Services, a company fully owned by the Kenya Red Cross. What can you tell us about the scale of corruption in the county and what do you think can be done to overturn these sad events that are eating away every fabric of county governance?

Abdirahim: I don’t know much about corruption in the county government, but I can tell you for sure corruption is rampant in Kenya. Some are very obvious and others in the closets. Staffs of the county have been staff of the National government so there must be devolved corruption by default. The major fuel for corruption is laxity or lack of law enforcement and poor control mechanism. As said by wise men before 10% of the population are saints, 10% are hard core criminals and the remaining 80% are opportunists. If these opportunists are not controlled, they create a situation where every individual interest is the law. If law enforcement unit fails to function or is compromised, crime thrives. This is the situation in Kenya and it is in every corner of the country.

WDN: How is the state of the education and health sector in the county after the April 2015 Garissa University College Attack?

Abdirahim: The health sector is devolved and the county governments have the power to hire and fire. All staff who left were immediately replaced and there is no much problem although we don’t have locals to feel in some of the gaps.

Education is not devolved and schools have functionally closed. Our children are not likely to excel in the exams and some have already dropped out of school.

This is a major concern. We already had problems of getting local staff for our facilities and now we will miss generations. For the short term we are negotiating with county governments and Parliamentarians to allocate emergency funds for the hiring of local untrained teachers to fill the gap. In the long run we are requesting for devolution of the sector.

WDN: The greatest enemy of every Kenya-Somali inhabited region is clannism/tribalism. Do you think the current county government has failed in its attempts to restrain clannism/tribalism? How deeply rooted is clannism/tribalism in the county?

Abdirahim: Tribalism, clannism and nepotism are as old as Kenya and is not a monopoly of Somalis. If you look into our political parties and voting pattern, it is always my tribe, my person. When appointments and power-sharing is being negotiated, it is based on region and tribe. So this has become our trademark. Our region however has patented a more negative approach that is not even based on any value but settlements of areas that have no economic value. This is being fueled by politicians who count their clans as their voters and the rest as their opposition’s voters. If our politics change to party politics and the communities are orientated on voting for party ideals, then we are likely to see positive change. If we continue tribal politics and vote on those lines, then the onion pill will continue going down fold after fold.

WDN: Following President Uhuru Kenyatta’s appointment of Ambassador Mohamud Ali Saleh as the new regional coordinator for North Eastern, residents of the region have once again expressed optimism that he will bring the region to normalcy. Since Ambassador Saleh’s appointment, have you sensed any formal change in the security of the region?

Abdirahim: Ambassador Saleh and Commander Omar Shurie were tasked to bring sanity to the region and we have a lot of hope in them. They have also placed under them in every county a Somali from the region as the county commissioner of police. In my opinion this will work if they send on the ground Somali soldiers to support them. This is because they know the terrain and have the heart to fight for it. It is too early to say or notice change but I am optimistic.

WDN: The Governor of Wajir County, Mr. Ahmed Abdullahi and his dedicated team have been praised for transforming and accelerating Wajir County in terms of Agri-business, prospecting minerals, investment opportunities, renewable energy, and livestock farming, yet, Garissa County, having the biggest concentration of livestock in East and Central Africa and a meandering River Tana, is decelerating and has nothing to show off or offer to its struggling war-wary citizens. Why is such a resourceful region lagging behind other regions politically, socially, and economically?

Abdirahim: Necessity they say is the mother of invention. Garissa County has both a permanent river and more solid clan base in that over 90% of its population comes from only the Ogaden clan. The other counties of Northern Kenya have more complex clan mix and less natural resource. Yet they seem to be more organized and more focused on development. I am not sure how much of a success has been registered so far but certainly I will say a lot of the changes is due to the leadership. With focused, fair and all-inclusive leadership much can be achieved with the resource available. Without these we will be in merry-go-round of constant blame, shame and failure.

WDN: Do you anticipate running for a political office in 2017?

Abdirahim:Yes, I am In sha Allah.

WDN: We appreciate your time.

Abdirahim: Thanks for the opportunity.

MOGADISHU MEMOIR: A BOOK REVIEW

August 3, 2015

Reviewed by Adan Makina

Book: Mogadishu Memoir
Author: Hassan Abukar
Publisher: AuthorHouse (May 26, 2015)
Paperback: 146 pages

Literary doyen Hassan Abukar, a prolific writer, a good friend, and former editorial Board member of WardheerNews has just released his long-awaited memoir. The book, Mogadishu Memoir, hit the shelves recently and is also available online at www.amazon.com at an affordable price that pleases the ardent and serious reader. An avid reader himself, Hassan took pains to deliver a remarkable narrative that jolts the nerves of the reader. Mogadishu Memoir-the only topic of its kind written by a fellow Somali-has been in the making for many years. Having read Mogadishu Memoir from cover to cover, I was impressed by the author’s sharp memory, linguistic expressions, and journalistic eloquence. The book is tiny, just 146-pages-though the wordings are heavy and humongous.

It is a memoir, a word borrowed from French which denotes to mean memory or reminiscence. Hassan’s memoir is about his recollection of moments of history in the olden days when the famous city of Mogadishu in Somalia was bustling with life and laughter and positive projections. It was an era of serenity, of national stability and military governance, and a following period of ultimate descent into turmoil, hostility, and social and political chaos. It is a memoir laden with beautiful and beastly narrations, childhood memories, human injustices, exodus and migratory patterns, political revivalism and religious assemblage and convocations.

Sometimes back, while Hassan was deeply immersed in writing the current book under review, in a written electronic exchange, I remember telling him to change the five shillings his father gave him during a visit by the old man to their Mogadishu residence when he was just seven-years-old, into five million. Hassan must have made millions of Somali shillings during his stay in the Land of Milk and Honey (USA) as 1 US Dollar equals 669.95 Somali Shilling at the time of writing this review.

Unlike other Somali writers who keep aloof from writing anything that may hurt family members as they confine themselves to religious conservatism, Hassan’s descriptive writing method seems to be too ostentatious especially when exposing unique characters. He does not shy away from pinpointing the fact as he sees it and audaciously exposes people’s behviors and mannerisms without the least fear or favor. His writing style reflects modern writing methods as evidenced by his past articles that have become a force to reckon with.

A book of this nature is considered dangerous by dictatorial regimes mainly those ruling with ironfist in the African continent and would obviously have put its author in hot soup. It would have been considered litigious and smacking of character assassination. The author must have been fortunate in his upbringing as he was brought up in Mogadishu that was the center of governance and civilization. Mogadishu, ‘the seat of the Shah’, is reputedly the most famous of all Somali cities and has a rich mix of cultural and social history.

Born in 1960 when Somalia proclaimed independence from England and Italy respectively, and when the horrors of European colonization became history and a thing of the past, Hassan saw the virtues of independence in its true colors. He gives a clear description of the souks and bazaars, cinemas and recreation centers, neighborhood settings, school systems, childhood malevolence, hideouts for gangsters like the infamous Jamal Jaan which was a gathering venue for wastrels and alcohol and drug addicts and does not shy away from exposing the nature of crime and punishment in a totalitarian regime.

Hassan Abukar

I found captivating the part highlighting religion and religious practices in Somalia of the past, mainly before the demise of the military junta. Yes, I agree with the author that majority of women, with the exception of a few Benadiri women, never wore the hijab that has become a common fashion in contemporary Somalia. The hijab became a universal fashion among Somali women mainly after the great exodus to Kenya where religious propagation took off especially with the exponential increase in the number of Somalis getting educated in the Arabian Peninsula. Perhaps the agitation toward Islamic studies and propagation was accelerated by the killing of the ten sheikhs in 1975. Though it may have escaped the attention of the author, right across Somalia’s southern border where massive refugees camps were being set up by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), in the expansive Somali-inhabited region of North Eastern Province (NEP) in Kenya, Kenyan-Somali women had long mastered the art of Hijab.

Depending on his visualization and focus of events, his choice of narrations at times explode into glamourous celebrations and other times, you could find yourself confounded by sudden fear and revolt as the stories penetrate your inner feelings. I would say, this is a book that sets the stage for how future Somali writers ought to incline themselves and approach in their pursuit of literary recognition. The author has not evaded to highlight his own rambunctious childhood, educational achievements and downfalls, trials and tribulations, religious practices, familial breakups, and above all his exposure to danger in the wild. Perhaps, after all the ups and downs in life, it is his religious conviction, bright mind, and a saintly perception that sent him vacating the land he reminisces most.

If you have the thought of embarking on a book project about Somalia and the Somali people, I would advise you to read this book for it will give you a glimpse of the land and the inhabitants of the historical Horn of Africa nation. For the Somali youth born in the Diaspora, the book will help in unraveling the unknowns of the Somali past. Get yourself your favorite beverage, sit back, relax and read in its entirety. It does not cost much; just $14.95 on www.amazon.com. You will love it!

Adan Makina
WardheerNews
Email:adan.makina@gmail.com

WAREYSI: MAXAMMED DAAHIR ROOBLE OO KA TIRSAN MUCAARADKA JABUUTI

WardheerNews

July 29, 2015

Odhaahda Tifaftirka: Waxa hadda ka soo wareegtay tan iyo intii dawladda Jabuuti qaadatay xoriyadda 38 sano, iyada oo Jabuuti lagu tilmaamo dal deggan marka loo eego xaalada ammaan ee Geeska Afrika, islamarkaana ku talaabsatay horumar dhinaca dhaqaalha ah, ayaa haddana waxaa jira tabashooyin badan oo la xidhiidha musuqmaasuq baahsan, maamul kali tali ah, ku xadgudub lagula kaco xuquuqda dadweynaha, cabudhinta saxaafada, xisbiyada mucaaradka, iyo dadka ka soo horjeesta xukuumadda Jabuuti. Haddaba si aan arrimahaasi wax uga ogaano, waxaanu waraysi qoto dheer oo taabanaya dhinacyo badan la yeelanay Dr. Maxamed Daahir Rooble oo ka mid xisbiga mucaaradka ee Isbaahaysiga Badbaadada Qaranka (USN) . Waraysigan waxaa u qaaday WardheerNews Aadan Makiina.
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WardheerNews (WDN): Maxamed ku soo dhowoow shabakada WardheerNews. Bal wax yar i nooga taataabo taariikh nololeedkaaga?

Maxammed Daahir: Bahda wargeyska wardheerNews (WDN) , aad baan idinkugu mahadnaqayaa soo dhoweynta iyo sharafta aad igu sharafteen wareysi gaar ah wargeyskan caanka ah. Waxaa kale oo aan idinkugu mahadnaqayaa xil iska saaridda xaaladda waddanka Jabuuti aad iska saareysaan iyo xaqiiqa raadinta aad ugu jirtaan dalka Jabuuti in aad ku war galisaan dadka ku xidhan wargeyskan WardheeNews. Iyada oo dalka Jabuuti meel muhiim ah kaga yaallo Geeska Afrika, waanan dhawahay walaalayaal.

Magacayga sidaad ogtihiinba waa Maxammed Daahir Rooble, waxbarasho Dugsiga hoose–ilaa ka sare waxaan ku qaatay waddankayga Jabuuti 1978-1986. Waxaa kale oo aan wax ku bartay Jaammacadda Imaraatka Carabta (Shareeca-law 1988–1992), iyo waddanka Yemen, oo aan ka qaatay Culuumta Islaamka Master (Islamic studies) 2005, iyo Sudan oo aan ka qaatay shahaadada PH.D. ee Maamullada Cusub iyo Ururada Islaamiga ah.

WDN: Sidee ayay kuula muuqataa jawiga siyaadeed ee hadda ka jira waddanka Jabuuti?

Maxammed: Waxaan ku jiraa dadka aadka uga cabsi qaba jawiga siyaasadeed ee wadanka Jabuuti. Cabsidaasina asaas cilmi ah ayay ku dhisantahay, waayo markii doorashadii baarlamaanka ay ku guuulaysteen ururka (USN), waxaa toos usoo fara galiyay Madaxwayne Geelle. Sida la ogsoonyahayna doorashadaasi waxay ahayd baarlamaan, hase yeeshee Madaxwayne Geelle wuxuu u dhaqmay sidii doorasho madaxtooyo, wuxuuna tv-ga ka sheegay maalin ka hor doorashada in uuna oqoonsan doonin wixii kasoo baxa doorashadaa wayna u duubantahay maqal iyo muuqaal.

Waxaa naxdin labaad ahayd sida aw Madaxwayne Geelle mar labaad u xidhay rajo dad badan ay qabeen in furfurnaan siyaasadeed ay ka hirgali karto dalka Jabuuti. Ka dib diidintaankaa doorashadii wixii ka soo baxay uu diiday Geelle, mucaaradka Jabuuti waxay muujiyeen xilkasnimo badan , baaqyo badan ayay u fidiyeen Madaxweyne Geelle oo dalka Jabuuti kaligii ka taliya awoodihii wadankana ku soo ururiyay gacantiisa. Nasiib darro ilaa maanta lagama hayo wax af garad ah madaxweyne Geelle , arrimahaas oo dhan ayaa igu dhalisay in aan cabsi badan ka qabo mustaqbalka dalkayga.

WDN: Jabuuti intii uu hayay xukunka Md. Ismaaciil Cumar Geelle, waxa ay ku tallaabsatay horumar dhinaca dhaqaalaha ah, iyada oo hadda GDP-ga Jabuuti uu kor u dhaafay 5.4%. Jabuuti oo daris la ah waddamo ( Soomaaliya iyo Yemen) dagaallo iyo ammaan darro ay ragaadisay, markaas miyaanan la odhan karin wax badan bey qabatay xukuumadda Geelle?

Maxammed: a). Geelle markii uu waddanka qabtay waxa ay ku hagaagtay wakhtigii uu bilaabmay dagaalkii Eritrea iyo İtobiya dhamaadkii 1998. Taasi oo abuutay in baahidii shacabka İtoobiya oo u soo wareegtay maarsooyinka Jabuuti.

b) Arinka kale waa soo dagitaanka ciidamada reer Galbeedka uu hor kacayey Maraykanku dhacdadii 11-kii september kadib. Ku waa oo dhaqaala badan dalka ku soo kordhiyay, dhaqaala badan oo miisaaniyadda dalka 35 % gaadhaysa.

c) So dagitaanka ciidaamadda shisheeye waxa ay keentay in ay maal gashadaan shariikado waaweyn sida DP World Dubai iyo Jebal-Ali oo dhisay maarso iyo free-zone oo gaadhaysa maalgelinteedu $400 oo malyun oo doollar iyo Hudheelka caalamiga ee Kempeski.

Mudaaharaad, Jabuuti

Dhaqaale xoog leh ayey ku soo biiriyeen markaas horukaca dhaqaale ee 5.4% sidaas yuu ku yimid, waxa uuna yahay macro-economic (Dhaqaalaha guud) ee micro-economic (dhaqaalaha hoose) hoos u dhac weyn ayaa ku yimid. Fursadaha waddanka jira waxa kaliya ee ka faa’iideysta waa Geelle iyo kooxda ku wareegsan. UNDP report 2014 waxa uu sheegayaa in shacabka Jabuuti 42% saboolnimada daran (extreme poverty) ay ku jiraan, 80% sabool (relative poverty) ay ku noolyihiin. Shaqo la’aanta dhallinyarta dhaxdeeda waa 70% halka shaqo la’anta guud na tahay 60%.

Markaa dekedaha la dhisayo mashiinno ayaa ka shaqeeya shacabka reer jabuuti saboolnimo ayaa uga soo korodhay. Ta kale waxa aad ogaataan caawimaadda toos ka ah (direct foreign aid) ee la siiyo Jabuuti sannadkii waa $750 malyun oo doollarka Mareykanka ah. Jabuutina waxa ay kaga jirtaa qiimmeynta waddamadda adduunka ee horumarinta dadka iyo xakammeynta musuqmaasuqa- 170/180 Human Development Index iyo 107/170 Corruption Perception Index.

Intaa waxaa soo raacda shacbiga Jabuuti oo maanta haysato khidma darro xagga korontada, biyaha, nadaafad darrada iyo dhismo (infrastructure) la’aan iyo caafimaad darro iyo tacliin tayo daran.
Su’aasha is weydiin leh ayaa waxay tahay, dhaqaale kobcay 5.4% muxuu uuga muuqan la’yahay nolosha shacbiga reer Jabuuti? Markaas, haddii uu waddanku sidaa ku sii socdo Soomaaliya, Yemen iyo dalalka dhactay kama foga Jabuuti.

Halkan ka akhri :Warayiga Xaalada: Jabuuti ee Maxamed Daahir Rooble

SOUTH AFRICA UP IN FLAMES: "THE BIRTH OF NEW BLACK APARTHEID MENTALITY"

For the past few weeks, parts of South Africa’s beautiful cities were up in flames-not because they were attacked by an external invading force-but because irate black South African youths with seditious agendas yet to be deciphered by their state intelligence took up arms against black outsiders who have sought refuge in this economically prosperous country known for exclusive kraals, beautiful sceneries, extensive Velds, unique click languages and rigorous historical struggle against British and Boer minority rule respectively.

Earlier this week, nationals of Malawi, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, and Somalia were targeted by angry black youths who felt foreigners were taking up their jobs and business opportunities. Using crude weapons of differing shapes and sizes including machetes, knobkerries (wooden clubs), bottles, hammers and swords, deranged youths poured in to the streets of major cities in droves with the intention of driving out fellow Africans seeking refuge in their country.

Emboldened by dysphoria-a psychiatric condition that denotes extreme dissatisfaction or unease, indifference or emotional unease or perhaps jealousy of seeing fellow Africans excelling in social and economic aspects, marauding South African youth left nothing at their disposal to molest, burn and even kill fellow Africans in search of refuge and economic achievement.

South Africa, a rich and prosperous nation that just came out of the shadows of apartheid has been described as having the highest crime rate in the world. In the meantime, it is not just about crime-it is-as one influential religious figure put it, “the birth of new black apartheid mentality”. Harrowing incidents of innocent migrant victims doused in paraffin and set ablaze and the indiscriminate torching of their businesses kept the world gazing at what triggered such impulsive mayhem in Africa’s only hope and emerging economic power. Within days of the violence, over a dozen people died and thousands sought shelter in churches and in police stations. To better understand the history of South Africa, we need to reflect its past injustices.

Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd: Architect of Apartheid

South Africa’s ‘architect of apartheid’ was none other than Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd.¹ Born in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, in 1901, he moved with his parents to South Africa at age two. In his childhood, Verwoerd lived in Bulawayo in the former Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) where, in 1913, he was enrolled in the famous Milton High School. In 1917, his family moved to the Orange Free State settling in Brandfort. The devastating Spanish flu epidemic delayed his matriculation exams until 1919.

Later on, he attended the University of Stellenbosch where he excelled in class and graduated with honors. A very bright student, Verwoerd completed his master’s degree in 1922 and was conferred on with a doctorate in 1924. He is credited with writing several works that are still available at the University of Stellenbosch. In 1925, after completion of his doctoral studies, Verwoerd left for Germany where he visited the universities of Hamburg, Berlin, and Leipzig. It was while in Germany that he was joined by his fiancée, Betsie Schoombie, consequently marrying her on the 7^th of January, 1927.

Upon returning to South Africa in 1928 with his new wife, Verwoerd became professor of psychology at the University of Stellenbosch while at the same time playing a great role in the re-shaping of the ruling National Party where he became editor of its sole newspaper, Die Transvaler, in 1937.

In 1950, Frederick Malan, who was then Prime Minister, appointed him Minister of Native affairs. Prime Minister Malan’s retirement from politics in 1953 opened a political path for Verwoerd. Following the death of National Party leader J.G. Strijdom in 1958, he was appointed Governor-General. Verwoerd’s predecessors and successors may have died of natural causes but what cut short his life at the mere age of 65 while holding the nation’s Premiership, may be hard to swallow.

On the 6^th of September, 1966, after wrapping up a historical political talk with Chief Leabua Jonathan of Lesotho at the Union Building in Pretoria, Verwoerd entered the House of Assembly at 2:15 PM where a deranged ‘dark-skinned’ (colored) Assembly Clerk of Mozambican origin, Dimitri Tsafendas, who had instructions from a large worm in his stomach, stabbed Verwoerd four times in the chest only to be pronounced dead upon arrival at Groote Schuur Hospital.

The creation of Apartheid set the stage for the creation of homelands that were like concentration camps that restricted the movement of the black-skinned African regardless of national origin, religious conviction and political affiliation. It was Daniel Francois Malan who hypothesized the Bantu Authorities Act in 1951 resulting in the establishment of “homelands” that constituted 13% of South Africa's landmass.

Former Black Homelands (Bantustans) during Apartheid Era

During the apartheid era, there were a total of ten self-governing black homelands for different black ethnic groups and all were re-incorporated into South Africa on the 27^th of April, 1994, when Nelson Mandela became President. They included Bophuthatswana, Ciskei, Gazankulu, KaNgwane, KwaNdebele, KwaZulu, Lebowa, Qwaqwa, Transkei, and Venda. Lack of resources in these homelands forced millions of various ethnic groups to migrate to major cities within South Africa where resources were available. This population explosion caused friction and scramble for space between different communities.

With most cultivable land still in the hands of former white settlers, black communities are short of the physiological and agricultural density required for ample sustenance which has direct impact on the Malthusian theory of population increase and shortage of food supplies. The current increased migrations have risen out of economic push and pull factors. Had it not been due to intervening obstacles, South Africa would have by now been the most populated country in Africa. Many migrants’ prospected journeys to South Africa are hindered by rough and dangerous situations.

Prior to the end of the white 'Afrikaner' minority rule in 1994, black South Africans lived in abject poverty, had lower educational standards than whites, owned fewer resources, and relied primarily on other African countries for military and financial support and for strategic and political guidance. Today, Black South Africans, despite regaining their freedom and democracy, desolately live in the same squalid conditions inherited from past apartheid regimes-if not worse.

Thus, the recent spate of violence directed against African migrants who are part of the many fibers rejuvenating the South African economy, is nothing but a lame excuse to advance a hidden agenda that is open to government scrutiny. It is a known secret that many economic powers of our modern world have been built on the strength of immigrants.

Nelson Mandela, the first President of post apartheid South Africa, was a political prisoner for the apartheid regime for twenty eight years mainly in the horrifying Robben Island (Dutch for seal Island) Maximum Security Prison, Pollsmoor Prison in Cape Town, and the Victor Verster Prison near Paarl where he was finally released on February 11, 1990 by F.W. De Klerk, South Africa's last white ruler. His statement from the dock in the Rivonia Trial ends with these words: “I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die”.²

Author of Long Walk to Freedom, Nelson Mandela is revered in the world as a Statesman and Peacemaker. Today, the freedom Mandela fought for is no longer in place because a few thousand jealous black South African thugs have hijacked the nation and taken the law in to their own hands. “Remember the horror from which we come from”, Mandela reminded his fellow South Africans in a 2008 speech. His former wife, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela had this to say: “We are sorry. It is not South African to do this”. What inspired the mayhem is a subject of media coverage and a source of discussion almost in every corner of the world.

Killing other African migrants with gusto did not start at once as it had been slowly creeping from city to city for several years hence the ratio of premeditated brutality tragically skyrocketed recently with killed refugees from Somalia alone thought to number several hundreds. South Africa's foreign refugees who have been victimized relate stories of collusion and inaction by the police who often record such incidents as 'criminal' rather than 'xenophobia'. It was recently revealed by a concerned minister at a hastily and unconventional meeting aimed at curbing xenophobia that the police imprudently displayed ineptitude and weakness and that they should have instead applied more lethal force to combat crime against foreigners.

Foreigners, especially black migrants have been raped, robbed, attacked, and killed in Cape Town, George, Port Elizabeth, Johannesburg, Pretoria, and Durban and also in the slums and ghettos concurrently and in isolated forms for many years with a few or hardly any perpetrators arrested. One wonders what went wrong with the South African judicial system and the application of law and why it has taken such a long time for the state security to mobilize forces before things got out of control.

President Thabo Mbeki, who is known to have initiated and chaired several international conferences on peace and security in Africa and the world over, failed to overturn the unfathomable social turmoil that ailed South Africa when he was in power. A man described as a lame duck has no one else to blame but his own flaws. The root cause of the xenophobia or Afrophobia seen in South Africa has nothing to do with past injustices by the aparthed regime. The problem is in the mismanagement of the economy, corruption and ineffective leadership.

Obviously, black South Africans are not violent and hot-blooded, but they have been made to be so, as they had been immersed in centuries of misrule and chauvinism by a succession of white minority regimes that owned and operated the country with iron fist such that blacks are up to this day restricted to a few Bantustans that cannot sustain them in all aspects. The proliferation of shanty towns due to scarcity of housing for blacks has constituted to a drastic increase in crime, drug addiction and alcoholism, disease, and starvation. Unemployment and social discrimination should be a national concern as major corporations and other business conglomerations still remain in the hands of a few apartheid sympathizers.

Zulu Boy President Jacob Zuma

Jacob Zuma, the man who replaced Thabo Mbeki has not been up to task. When he took over the leadership of South Africa's ailing economy, many thought he would overturn the social debacle that afflicted post-apartheid South Africa. Jacob Zuma, the ‘100% Zulu boy’, has been shrouded by allegations of sexual abuse and misappropriation of funds for some time consequently becoming a victim of his own conscience. Unlike Mbeki who was Xhosa, Jacob Zuma hails from South Africa’s largest tribe and also Africa’s largest, the Zulu (people of heaven), thought to number 10-11 million, who fiercely fought the Boer-British domination of KwaZulu-Natal in the 18^th Century.

Jacob Zuma, the man ordinary South Africans thought would usher in an era of economic propserity and tranquility, did little to protect the struggling African immigrants whose properties were looted and sent packing. Thus, the current spate of unrestrained violence against non-South African blacks could be a harbinger for a sudden change in Pretoria’s political scene. With the unifying African slogan Ubuntu going down the drain and being replaced by animosity towards the struggling African immigrant, tomorrow's South Africa faces a bleak future.

Furthermore, Human Rights Watch, a global organization committed to ‘protecting human rights worldwide’ has been very critical of how the South African immigration officials, police, and border patrols treat migrant workers awaiting deportation to country of origin.³ “Police, immigration officials, and military border patrols in South Africa often seriously abuse undocumented migrants when they arrest them”, said Georgette Gagnon, deputy Africa director at Human Rights Watch. As reported by Human Rights Watch, “undocumented migrants awaiting deportation are locked up with criminal suspects or even convicts, while migrant children are often held alongside adults” .

The 2008 wave of xenophobic attacks against black migrants may have started in Alexandra Township, but the truth of the matter is, migrants, notably Somalis, had been killed in various regions of South Africa without legal justifications for almost a decade. The number of Somalis killed in South Africa in the last decade narrowly number 500.⁴ “Most troubling for the authorities is the fact that the hot spots of anti-immigrant violence are some of the same townships that had been the furnaces of anti-apartheid violence. A little more than a decade after the end of apartheid, the new government is sending the same riot police in the same armored trucks into those same townships to suppress mob violence against immigrants.

Somalis arriving South Africa in the last decade brought diverse business ventures visible in many towns and cities while neighboring Zimbabweans brought with them professionals including doctors, nurses, teachers, and much needed engineers. Rather than being grateful for such unparalleled services, a few disgruntled politicians with apartheid-era inclinations have chosen to finance a few malevolent thugs with arms, drugs, and alcohol for the deliberate disintegration of the ‘Rainbow Nation’ whose formation would have been impossible without the support of the same people they wish to drive out or out rightly exterminate.

A nation that prides to have the best economy in black Africa; a nation that has to its credit several Nobel Prize winners for peace and literature; a state that once amassed nuclear arsenals of immense destruction; a nation with unrivalled infrastructure in the African continent has descended in to chaos within a matter of days with political analysts speculating it to be headed for destruction. The new ‘Rainbow Nation’ may never be the same again unless the current administration takes a strong stand in the preservation of peace and security and the creation of jobs for the suffering unemployed youth languishing in the homelands and ghettos.

Adan Makina

WardheerNews

adan.makina@gmail.com

1 http://www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hendrik_Verwoerd

2http://www.historyplace.com/speeches/mandela.htm

3http://www.hrw.org/pt/news/2007/02/26/south-africa-migrants-abused-officials-and-farmers

4 http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1808016,00.html