AN INTERVIEW WITH KENYAN-SOMALI POLITICIAN ABDIRAHIM FARAH

July 25, 2015

By WardheerNews

Editor’s Note: To better understand the state of affairs of Kenya Somali inhabited regions , particularly Garissa county since the adaption of County Governance System, where each county is managed by an elected local official, WardheerNews is pleased to bring to you an exclusive interview with Abdirahim Farah, a former Parliamentary aspirant for Garissa township. A man well-versed in how the county and the country operate, Abdirahim sheds light on the growing insecurity and malfeasance in the county and the Kenya nation as a whole. The interview was conducted for WardheerNews by our own Adan Makina.
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Wardheer News (WDN): Abdirahim Farah welcome back to Wardheer News; since our last interview in June 30, 2011, is there any progress in the country, and what is your current assessment of the socio-economic and political situation in Kenya, particularly your home region, Garissa County?

Abdirahim Farah

Abdirahim: Adan thank you for the interview and I have come to recognize WardheerNews as a partner in information sharing since our last encounter. I would also like to wish WardheerNews and the audience Happy  Eid ul-Fitri.

Kenya is continuously evolving in all directions. The change experienced in the past two years as a nation is both negative and positive. The new style of governance as occasioned by the new constitution, is both interesting and frustrating especially to the old guards. We have witnessed major state resource in terms of budgetary allocation towards development. Infrastructure has been given a lot of serious attention, youth empowerment and gender equity is in focus, poverty reduction and support of vulnerable groups is highlighted and many other positive moves. On the other hand, there is gross misappropriation of resources, insecurity of unlevelled magnitude and most of all deterioration of basic rights of the citizen. The negative observations are more pronounced in our region and the positives have been reaching us at snails speed.

WDN: What significant progress do you see since the creation of the county government in the last general election in 2013 and the subsequent devolution of power that gave the Somali-dominated region the right to sort out their differences and embark on the road to recovery and progress, particularly in the area of employment and economic developments?

Abdirahim: Let me start with by saying first of all devolution is the best thing that has happened to our region and for the pastoralist in general since independence. A lot of financial resources that never came to the region before was seen at our disposal. The sectors that were devolved benefited immensely and we hope others like education should be devolved.

But like all inventions, there is a learning process. We have to learn how to dispense and what controls to put on expenditure. I will say in the first years this process was far from perfect. My hope and prayer is we will improve as we grow and the National Government will continue supporting and increasing the resource to the counties.

WDN: Although, Kenya, in its quest for a devolved system of governance adopted a County Government system, however, it still upholds non-elected county commissioners. What is the role of these county commissioners and do their roles overlap or conflict with that of the authority of the county governors?

Abdirahim: In the structure of governance, devolution comes under the Ministry of devolution and National Planning. There are fifteen other ministries under the national government whose functions have not been devolved or half devolved. It is also good to note that Kenya, as a nation, was born from a colonial setting and some of the cultures of governance were inherited from the colonial father who made us believe that it is the way of doing business of governance. We have not been bold enough to throw away some of the structures that support colonialist thinking. This includes the provincial administration, the national identification card and the use of brute force in policing. As this is the norm, our style of governance will continue to include provincial administration and the justification is always that they coordinate government activities. In the new constitutional dispensation, their role has been consumed by the county structure and should have been long gone. But because of our mindset, this is likely to stay and duplicate the county structure.

WDN: Garissa has been in the international media spotlight mainly after the attack on the Garissa University College this year when approximately 148 aspiring college students were indiscriminately gunned down in cold blood by suspected extremist elements. What followed next was a massive departure of teachers and healthcare professionals from other regions and a prolonged curfew that hurt the economy and the general living conditions of the public in Garissa County. Do you think the administration running Garissa County and the national security apparatus were well prepared to avert the impending security fiasco that shook the region unawares?

Abdirahim: No, they were not well prepared and might not be anytime soon. I say so because; in the Garissa university incident the authorities got information of the incident. In fact, they even put a note for the students to stay vigilant due to eminent attack. If they could not avert this, then which one can they do? In fact even giving the students small training on what to do in case anything like this happens would have been helpful. Rumors has that all senior officers had gone for Easter, the police patrol vehicles were grounded because of no fuel and those policemen on site left because they did not have enough ammunition. This was a total failure of the national security and blaming Garissa leaders and residents is to me a big shame. Garissa people are as victims as the students. We suffer at the hands of the terrorists and at the hands of the security organs.

Security is the prerogative of the state and the security personnel have their job description to secure the lives and property of the citizens. If they fail, no one else can play their role.

WDN: How would you assess Garissa County Government’s handling of the socio economic affairs of its people, is Garissa County Government all-inclusive and is on the right pass toward advancing the development of the county both human and infrastructure in pace with the rest of the country?

Abdirahim: Below average. This is because mainly we are learning the process of devolution and there is no proper guide or a mentor. When we realize the resource available is enough for everyone if managed and cannot sustain one person if mismanaged, then we will have an all-inclusive, process oriented and development focused county. But as long as we are operating on a clan focused and it-is-my-time to eat attitude, then we will not go far.

The latter is the situation at the moment. It is exacerbated by the fact there is leadership deficiency and lack of systems.

WDN: Corruption has grown widespread in the county government and misappropriation of funds has rendered the county government totally broke. Case in point, recent reports indicated the governor of Garissa County was allegedly implicated in the leasing of ambulances from Emergency Plus Medical Services, a company fully owned by the Kenya Red Cross. What can you tell us about the scale of corruption in the county and what do you think can be done to overturn these sad events that are eating away every fabric of county governance?

Abdirahim: I don’t know much about corruption in the county government, but I can tell you for sure corruption is rampant in Kenya. Some are very obvious and others in the closets. Staffs of the county have been staff of the National government so there must be devolved corruption by default. The major fuel for corruption is laxity or lack of law enforcement and poor control mechanism. As said by wise men before 10% of the population are saints, 10% are hard core criminals and the remaining 80% are opportunists. If these opportunists are not controlled, they create a situation where every individual interest is the law. If law enforcement unit fails to function or is compromised, crime thrives. This is the situation in Kenya and it is in every corner of the country.

WDN: How is the state of the education and health sector in the county after the April 2015 Garissa University College Attack?

Abdirahim: The health sector is devolved and the county governments have the power to hire and fire. All staff who left were immediately replaced and there is no much problem although we don’t have locals to feel in some of the gaps.

Education is not devolved and schools have functionally closed. Our children are not likely to excel in the exams and some have already dropped out of school.

This is a major concern. We already had problems of getting local staff for our facilities and now we will miss generations. For the short term we are negotiating with county governments and Parliamentarians to allocate emergency funds for the hiring of local untrained teachers to fill the gap. In the long run we are requesting for devolution of the sector.

WDN: The greatest enemy of every Kenya-Somali inhabited region is clannism/tribalism. Do you think the current county government has failed in its attempts to restrain clannism/tribalism? How deeply rooted is clannism/tribalism in the county?

Abdirahim: Tribalism, clannism and nepotism are as old as Kenya and is not a monopoly of Somalis. If you look into our political parties and voting pattern, it is always my tribe, my person. When appointments and power-sharing is being negotiated, it is based on region and tribe. So this has become our trademark. Our region however has patented a more negative approach that is not even based on any value but settlements of areas that have no economic value. This is being fueled by politicians who count their clans as their voters and the rest as their opposition’s voters. If our politics change to party politics and the communities are orientated on voting for party ideals, then we are likely to see positive change. If we continue tribal politics and vote on those lines, then the onion pill will continue going down fold after fold.

WDN: Following President Uhuru Kenyatta’s appointment of Ambassador Mohamud Ali Saleh as the new regional coordinator for North Eastern, residents of the region have once again expressed optimism that he will bring the region to normalcy. Since Ambassador Saleh’s appointment, have you sensed any formal change in the security of the region?

Abdirahim: Ambassador Saleh and Commander Omar Shurie were tasked to bring sanity to the region and we have a lot of hope in them. They have also placed under them in every county a Somali from the region as the county commissioner of police. In my opinion this will work if they send on the ground Somali soldiers to support them. This is because they know the terrain and have the heart to fight for it. It is too early to say or notice change but I am optimistic.

WDN: The Governor of Wajir County, Mr. Ahmed Abdullahi and his dedicated team have been praised for transforming and accelerating Wajir County in terms of Agri-business, prospecting minerals, investment opportunities, renewable energy, and livestock farming, yet, Garissa County, having the biggest concentration of livestock in East and Central Africa and a meandering River Tana, is decelerating and has nothing to show off or offer to its struggling war-wary citizens. Why is such a resourceful region lagging behind other regions politically, socially, and economically?

Abdirahim: Necessity they say is the mother of invention. Garissa County has both a permanent river and more solid clan base in that over 90% of its population comes from only the Ogaden clan. The other counties of Northern Kenya have more complex clan mix and less natural resource. Yet they seem to be more organized and more focused on development. I am not sure how much of a success has been registered so far but certainly I will say a lot of the changes is due to the leadership. With focused, fair and all-inclusive leadership much can be achieved with the resource available. Without these we will be in merry-go-round of constant blame, shame and failure.

WDN: Do you anticipate running for a political office in 2017?

Abdirahim:Yes, I am In sha Allah.

WDN: We appreciate your time.

Abdirahim: Thanks for the opportunity.

MOGADISHU MEMOIR: A BOOK REVIEW

August 3, 2015

Reviewed by Adan Makina

Book: Mogadishu Memoir
Author: Hassan Abukar
Publisher: AuthorHouse (May 26, 2015)
Paperback: 146 pages

Literary doyen Hassan Abukar, a prolific writer, a good friend, and former editorial Board member of WardheerNews has just released his long-awaited memoir. The book, Mogadishu Memoir, hit the shelves recently and is also available online at www.amazon.com at an affordable price that pleases the ardent and serious reader. An avid reader himself, Hassan took pains to deliver a remarkable narrative that jolts the nerves of the reader. Mogadishu Memoir-the only topic of its kind written by a fellow Somali-has been in the making for many years. Having read Mogadishu Memoir from cover to cover, I was impressed by the author’s sharp memory, linguistic expressions, and journalistic eloquence. The book is tiny, just 146-pages-though the wordings are heavy and humongous.

It is a memoir, a word borrowed from French which denotes to mean memory or reminiscence. Hassan’s memoir is about his recollection of moments of history in the olden days when the famous city of Mogadishu in Somalia was bustling with life and laughter and positive projections. It was an era of serenity, of national stability and military governance, and a following period of ultimate descent into turmoil, hostility, and social and political chaos. It is a memoir laden with beautiful and beastly narrations, childhood memories, human injustices, exodus and migratory patterns, political revivalism and religious assemblage and convocations.

Sometimes back, while Hassan was deeply immersed in writing the current book under review, in a written electronic exchange, I remember telling him to change the five shillings his father gave him during a visit by the old man to their Mogadishu residence when he was just seven-years-old, into five million. Hassan must have made millions of Somali shillings during his stay in the Land of Milk and Honey (USA) as 1 US Dollar equals 669.95 Somali Shilling at the time of writing this review.

Unlike other Somali writers who keep aloof from writing anything that may hurt family members as they confine themselves to religious conservatism, Hassan’s descriptive writing method seems to be too ostentatious especially when exposing unique characters. He does not shy away from pinpointing the fact as he sees it and audaciously exposes people’s behviors and mannerisms without the least fear or favor. His writing style reflects modern writing methods as evidenced by his past articles that have become a force to reckon with.

A book of this nature is considered dangerous by dictatorial regimes mainly those ruling with ironfist in the African continent and would obviously have put its author in hot soup. It would have been considered litigious and smacking of character assassination. The author must have been fortunate in his upbringing as he was brought up in Mogadishu that was the center of governance and civilization. Mogadishu, ‘the seat of the Shah’, is reputedly the most famous of all Somali cities and has a rich mix of cultural and social history.

Born in 1960 when Somalia proclaimed independence from England and Italy respectively, and when the horrors of European colonization became history and a thing of the past, Hassan saw the virtues of independence in its true colors. He gives a clear description of the souks and bazaars, cinemas and recreation centers, neighborhood settings, school systems, childhood malevolence, hideouts for gangsters like the infamous Jamal Jaan which was a gathering venue for wastrels and alcohol and drug addicts and does not shy away from exposing the nature of crime and punishment in a totalitarian regime.

Hassan Abukar

I found captivating the part highlighting religion and religious practices in Somalia of the past, mainly before the demise of the military junta. Yes, I agree with the author that majority of women, with the exception of a few Benadiri women, never wore the hijab that has become a common fashion in contemporary Somalia. The hijab became a universal fashion among Somali women mainly after the great exodus to Kenya where religious propagation took off especially with the exponential increase in the number of Somalis getting educated in the Arabian Peninsula. Perhaps the agitation toward Islamic studies and propagation was accelerated by the killing of the ten sheikhs in 1975. Though it may have escaped the attention of the author, right across Somalia’s southern border where massive refugees camps were being set up by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), in the expansive Somali-inhabited region of North Eastern Province (NEP) in Kenya, Kenyan-Somali women had long mastered the art of Hijab.

Depending on his visualization and focus of events, his choice of narrations at times explode into glamourous celebrations and other times, you could find yourself confounded by sudden fear and revolt as the stories penetrate your inner feelings. I would say, this is a book that sets the stage for how future Somali writers ought to incline themselves and approach in their pursuit of literary recognition. The author has not evaded to highlight his own rambunctious childhood, educational achievements and downfalls, trials and tribulations, religious practices, familial breakups, and above all his exposure to danger in the wild. Perhaps, after all the ups and downs in life, it is his religious conviction, bright mind, and a saintly perception that sent him vacating the land he reminisces most.

If you have the thought of embarking on a book project about Somalia and the Somali people, I would advise you to read this book for it will give you a glimpse of the land and the inhabitants of the historical Horn of Africa nation. For the Somali youth born in the Diaspora, the book will help in unraveling the unknowns of the Somali past. Get yourself your favorite beverage, sit back, relax and read in its entirety. It does not cost much; just $14.95 on www.amazon.com. You will love it!

Adan Makina
WardheerNews
Email:adan.makina@gmail.com

WAREYSI: MAXAMMED DAAHIR ROOBLE OO KA TIRSAN MUCAARADKA JABUUTI

WardheerNews

July 29, 2015

Odhaahda Tifaftirka: Waxa hadda ka soo wareegtay tan iyo intii dawladda Jabuuti qaadatay xoriyadda 38 sano, iyada oo Jabuuti lagu tilmaamo dal deggan marka loo eego xaalada ammaan ee Geeska Afrika, islamarkaana ku talaabsatay horumar dhinaca dhaqaalha ah, ayaa haddana waxaa jira tabashooyin badan oo la xidhiidha musuqmaasuq baahsan, maamul kali tali ah, ku xadgudub lagula kaco xuquuqda dadweynaha, cabudhinta saxaafada, xisbiyada mucaaradka, iyo dadka ka soo horjeesta xukuumadda Jabuuti. Haddaba si aan arrimahaasi wax uga ogaano, waxaanu waraysi qoto dheer oo taabanaya dhinacyo badan la yeelanay Dr. Maxamed Daahir Rooble oo ka mid xisbiga mucaaradka ee Isbaahaysiga Badbaadada Qaranka (USN) . Waraysigan waxaa u qaaday WardheerNews Aadan Makiina.
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WardheerNews (WDN): Maxamed ku soo dhowoow shabakada WardheerNews. Bal wax yar i nooga taataabo taariikh nololeedkaaga?

Maxammed Daahir: Bahda wargeyska wardheerNews (WDN) , aad baan idinkugu mahadnaqayaa soo dhoweynta iyo sharafta aad igu sharafteen wareysi gaar ah wargeyskan caanka ah. Waxaa kale oo aan idinkugu mahadnaqayaa xil iska saaridda xaaladda waddanka Jabuuti aad iska saareysaan iyo xaqiiqa raadinta aad ugu jirtaan dalka Jabuuti in aad ku war galisaan dadka ku xidhan wargeyskan WardheeNews. Iyada oo dalka Jabuuti meel muhiim ah kaga yaallo Geeska Afrika, waanan dhawahay walaalayaal.

Magacayga sidaad ogtihiinba waa Maxammed Daahir Rooble, waxbarasho Dugsiga hoose–ilaa ka sare waxaan ku qaatay waddankayga Jabuuti 1978-1986. Waxaa kale oo aan wax ku bartay Jaammacadda Imaraatka Carabta (Shareeca-law 1988–1992), iyo waddanka Yemen, oo aan ka qaatay Culuumta Islaamka Master (Islamic studies) 2005, iyo Sudan oo aan ka qaatay shahaadada PH.D. ee Maamullada Cusub iyo Ururada Islaamiga ah.

WDN: Sidee ayay kuula muuqataa jawiga siyaadeed ee hadda ka jira waddanka Jabuuti?

Maxammed: Waxaan ku jiraa dadka aadka uga cabsi qaba jawiga siyaasadeed ee wadanka Jabuuti. Cabsidaasina asaas cilmi ah ayay ku dhisantahay, waayo markii doorashadii baarlamaanka ay ku guuulaysteen ururka (USN), waxaa toos usoo fara galiyay Madaxwayne Geelle. Sida la ogsoonyahayna doorashadaasi waxay ahayd baarlamaan, hase yeeshee Madaxwayne Geelle wuxuu u dhaqmay sidii doorasho madaxtooyo, wuxuuna tv-ga ka sheegay maalin ka hor doorashada in uuna oqoonsan doonin wixii kasoo baxa doorashadaa wayna u duubantahay maqal iyo muuqaal.

Waxaa naxdin labaad ahayd sida aw Madaxwayne Geelle mar labaad u xidhay rajo dad badan ay qabeen in furfurnaan siyaasadeed ay ka hirgali karto dalka Jabuuti. Ka dib diidintaankaa doorashadii wixii ka soo baxay uu diiday Geelle, mucaaradka Jabuuti waxay muujiyeen xilkasnimo badan , baaqyo badan ayay u fidiyeen Madaxweyne Geelle oo dalka Jabuuti kaligii ka taliya awoodihii wadankana ku soo ururiyay gacantiisa. Nasiib darro ilaa maanta lagama hayo wax af garad ah madaxweyne Geelle , arrimahaas oo dhan ayaa igu dhalisay in aan cabsi badan ka qabo mustaqbalka dalkayga.

WDN: Jabuuti intii uu hayay xukunka Md. Ismaaciil Cumar Geelle, waxa ay ku tallaabsatay horumar dhinaca dhaqaalaha ah, iyada oo hadda GDP-ga Jabuuti uu kor u dhaafay 5.4%. Jabuuti oo daris la ah waddamo ( Soomaaliya iyo Yemen) dagaallo iyo ammaan darro ay ragaadisay, markaas miyaanan la odhan karin wax badan bey qabatay xukuumadda Geelle?

Maxammed: a). Geelle markii uu waddanka qabtay waxa ay ku hagaagtay wakhtigii uu bilaabmay dagaalkii Eritrea iyo İtobiya dhamaadkii 1998. Taasi oo abuutay in baahidii shacabka İtoobiya oo u soo wareegtay maarsooyinka Jabuuti.

b) Arinka kale waa soo dagitaanka ciidamada reer Galbeedka uu hor kacayey Maraykanku dhacdadii 11-kii september kadib. Ku waa oo dhaqaala badan dalka ku soo kordhiyay, dhaqaala badan oo miisaaniyadda dalka 35 % gaadhaysa.

c) So dagitaanka ciidaamadda shisheeye waxa ay keentay in ay maal gashadaan shariikado waaweyn sida DP World Dubai iyo Jebal-Ali oo dhisay maarso iyo free-zone oo gaadhaysa maalgelinteedu $400 oo malyun oo doollar iyo Hudheelka caalamiga ee Kempeski.

Mudaaharaad, Jabuuti

Dhaqaale xoog leh ayey ku soo biiriyeen markaas horukaca dhaqaale ee 5.4% sidaas yuu ku yimid, waxa uuna yahay macro-economic (Dhaqaalaha guud) ee micro-economic (dhaqaalaha hoose) hoos u dhac weyn ayaa ku yimid. Fursadaha waddanka jira waxa kaliya ee ka faa’iideysta waa Geelle iyo kooxda ku wareegsan. UNDP report 2014 waxa uu sheegayaa in shacabka Jabuuti 42% saboolnimada daran (extreme poverty) ay ku jiraan, 80% sabool (relative poverty) ay ku noolyihiin. Shaqo la’aanta dhallinyarta dhaxdeeda waa 70% halka shaqo la’anta guud na tahay 60%.

Markaa dekedaha la dhisayo mashiinno ayaa ka shaqeeya shacabka reer jabuuti saboolnimo ayaa uga soo korodhay. Ta kale waxa aad ogaataan caawimaadda toos ka ah (direct foreign aid) ee la siiyo Jabuuti sannadkii waa $750 malyun oo doollarka Mareykanka ah. Jabuutina waxa ay kaga jirtaa qiimmeynta waddamadda adduunka ee horumarinta dadka iyo xakammeynta musuqmaasuqa- 170/180 Human Development Index iyo 107/170 Corruption Perception Index.

Intaa waxaa soo raacda shacbiga Jabuuti oo maanta haysato khidma darro xagga korontada, biyaha, nadaafad darrada iyo dhismo (infrastructure) la’aan iyo caafimaad darro iyo tacliin tayo daran.
Su’aasha is weydiin leh ayaa waxay tahay, dhaqaale kobcay 5.4% muxuu uuga muuqan la’yahay nolosha shacbiga reer Jabuuti? Markaas, haddii uu waddanku sidaa ku sii socdo Soomaaliya, Yemen iyo dalalka dhactay kama foga Jabuuti.

Halkan ka akhri :Warayiga Xaalada: Jabuuti ee Maxamed Daahir Rooble

SOUTH AFRICA UP IN FLAMES: "THE BIRTH OF NEW BLACK APARTHEID MENTALITY"

For the past few weeks, parts of South Africa’s beautiful cities were up in flames-not because they were attacked by an external invading force-but because irate black South African youths with seditious agendas yet to be deciphered by their state intelligence took up arms against black outsiders who have sought refuge in this economically prosperous country known for exclusive kraals, beautiful sceneries, extensive Velds, unique click languages and rigorous historical struggle against British and Boer minority rule respectively.

Earlier this week, nationals of Malawi, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, and Somalia were targeted by angry black youths who felt foreigners were taking up their jobs and business opportunities. Using crude weapons of differing shapes and sizes including machetes, knobkerries (wooden clubs), bottles, hammers and swords, deranged youths poured in to the streets of major cities in droves with the intention of driving out fellow Africans seeking refuge in their country.

Emboldened by dysphoria-a psychiatric condition that denotes extreme dissatisfaction or unease, indifference or emotional unease or perhaps jealousy of seeing fellow Africans excelling in social and economic aspects, marauding South African youth left nothing at their disposal to molest, burn and even kill fellow Africans in search of refuge and economic achievement.

South Africa, a rich and prosperous nation that just came out of the shadows of apartheid has been described as having the highest crime rate in the world. In the meantime, it is not just about crime-it is-as one influential religious figure put it, “the birth of new black apartheid mentality”. Harrowing incidents of innocent migrant victims doused in paraffin and set ablaze and the indiscriminate torching of their businesses kept the world gazing at what triggered such impulsive mayhem in Africa’s only hope and emerging economic power. Within days of the violence, over a dozen people died and thousands sought shelter in churches and in police stations. To better understand the history of South Africa, we need to reflect its past injustices.

Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd: Architect of Apartheid

South Africa’s ‘architect of apartheid’ was none other than Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd.¹ Born in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, in 1901, he moved with his parents to South Africa at age two. In his childhood, Verwoerd lived in Bulawayo in the former Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) where, in 1913, he was enrolled in the famous Milton High School. In 1917, his family moved to the Orange Free State settling in Brandfort. The devastating Spanish flu epidemic delayed his matriculation exams until 1919.

Later on, he attended the University of Stellenbosch where he excelled in class and graduated with honors. A very bright student, Verwoerd completed his master’s degree in 1922 and was conferred on with a doctorate in 1924. He is credited with writing several works that are still available at the University of Stellenbosch. In 1925, after completion of his doctoral studies, Verwoerd left for Germany where he visited the universities of Hamburg, Berlin, and Leipzig. It was while in Germany that he was joined by his fiancée, Betsie Schoombie, consequently marrying her on the 7^th of January, 1927.

Upon returning to South Africa in 1928 with his new wife, Verwoerd became professor of psychology at the University of Stellenbosch while at the same time playing a great role in the re-shaping of the ruling National Party where he became editor of its sole newspaper, Die Transvaler, in 1937.

In 1950, Frederick Malan, who was then Prime Minister, appointed him Minister of Native affairs. Prime Minister Malan’s retirement from politics in 1953 opened a political path for Verwoerd. Following the death of National Party leader J.G. Strijdom in 1958, he was appointed Governor-General. Verwoerd’s predecessors and successors may have died of natural causes but what cut short his life at the mere age of 65 while holding the nation’s Premiership, may be hard to swallow.

On the 6^th of September, 1966, after wrapping up a historical political talk with Chief Leabua Jonathan of Lesotho at the Union Building in Pretoria, Verwoerd entered the House of Assembly at 2:15 PM where a deranged ‘dark-skinned’ (colored) Assembly Clerk of Mozambican origin, Dimitri Tsafendas, who had instructions from a large worm in his stomach, stabbed Verwoerd four times in the chest only to be pronounced dead upon arrival at Groote Schuur Hospital.

The creation of Apartheid set the stage for the creation of homelands that were like concentration camps that restricted the movement of the black-skinned African regardless of national origin, religious conviction and political affiliation. It was Daniel Francois Malan who hypothesized the Bantu Authorities Act in 1951 resulting in the establishment of “homelands” that constituted 13% of South Africa's landmass.

Former Black Homelands (Bantustans) during Apartheid Era

During the apartheid era, there were a total of ten self-governing black homelands for different black ethnic groups and all were re-incorporated into South Africa on the 27^th of April, 1994, when Nelson Mandela became President. They included Bophuthatswana, Ciskei, Gazankulu, KaNgwane, KwaNdebele, KwaZulu, Lebowa, Qwaqwa, Transkei, and Venda. Lack of resources in these homelands forced millions of various ethnic groups to migrate to major cities within South Africa where resources were available. This population explosion caused friction and scramble for space between different communities.

With most cultivable land still in the hands of former white settlers, black communities are short of the physiological and agricultural density required for ample sustenance which has direct impact on the Malthusian theory of population increase and shortage of food supplies. The current increased migrations have risen out of economic push and pull factors. Had it not been due to intervening obstacles, South Africa would have by now been the most populated country in Africa. Many migrants’ prospected journeys to South Africa are hindered by rough and dangerous situations.

Prior to the end of the white 'Afrikaner' minority rule in 1994, black South Africans lived in abject poverty, had lower educational standards than whites, owned fewer resources, and relied primarily on other African countries for military and financial support and for strategic and political guidance. Today, Black South Africans, despite regaining their freedom and democracy, desolately live in the same squalid conditions inherited from past apartheid regimes-if not worse.

Thus, the recent spate of violence directed against African migrants who are part of the many fibers rejuvenating the South African economy, is nothing but a lame excuse to advance a hidden agenda that is open to government scrutiny. It is a known secret that many economic powers of our modern world have been built on the strength of immigrants.

Nelson Mandela, the first President of post apartheid South Africa, was a political prisoner for the apartheid regime for twenty eight years mainly in the horrifying Robben Island (Dutch for seal Island) Maximum Security Prison, Pollsmoor Prison in Cape Town, and the Victor Verster Prison near Paarl where he was finally released on February 11, 1990 by F.W. De Klerk, South Africa's last white ruler. His statement from the dock in the Rivonia Trial ends with these words: “I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die”.²

Author of Long Walk to Freedom, Nelson Mandela is revered in the world as a Statesman and Peacemaker. Today, the freedom Mandela fought for is no longer in place because a few thousand jealous black South African thugs have hijacked the nation and taken the law in to their own hands. “Remember the horror from which we come from”, Mandela reminded his fellow South Africans in a 2008 speech. His former wife, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela had this to say: “We are sorry. It is not South African to do this”. What inspired the mayhem is a subject of media coverage and a source of discussion almost in every corner of the world.

Killing other African migrants with gusto did not start at once as it had been slowly creeping from city to city for several years hence the ratio of premeditated brutality tragically skyrocketed recently with killed refugees from Somalia alone thought to number several hundreds. South Africa's foreign refugees who have been victimized relate stories of collusion and inaction by the police who often record such incidents as 'criminal' rather than 'xenophobia'. It was recently revealed by a concerned minister at a hastily and unconventional meeting aimed at curbing xenophobia that the police imprudently displayed ineptitude and weakness and that they should have instead applied more lethal force to combat crime against foreigners.

Foreigners, especially black migrants have been raped, robbed, attacked, and killed in Cape Town, George, Port Elizabeth, Johannesburg, Pretoria, and Durban and also in the slums and ghettos concurrently and in isolated forms for many years with a few or hardly any perpetrators arrested. One wonders what went wrong with the South African judicial system and the application of law and why it has taken such a long time for the state security to mobilize forces before things got out of control.

President Thabo Mbeki, who is known to have initiated and chaired several international conferences on peace and security in Africa and the world over, failed to overturn the unfathomable social turmoil that ailed South Africa when he was in power. A man described as a lame duck has no one else to blame but his own flaws. The root cause of the xenophobia or Afrophobia seen in South Africa has nothing to do with past injustices by the aparthed regime. The problem is in the mismanagement of the economy, corruption and ineffective leadership.

Obviously, black South Africans are not violent and hot-blooded, but they have been made to be so, as they had been immersed in centuries of misrule and chauvinism by a succession of white minority regimes that owned and operated the country with iron fist such that blacks are up to this day restricted to a few Bantustans that cannot sustain them in all aspects. The proliferation of shanty towns due to scarcity of housing for blacks has constituted to a drastic increase in crime, drug addiction and alcoholism, disease, and starvation. Unemployment and social discrimination should be a national concern as major corporations and other business conglomerations still remain in the hands of a few apartheid sympathizers.

Zulu Boy President Jacob Zuma

Jacob Zuma, the man who replaced Thabo Mbeki has not been up to task. When he took over the leadership of South Africa's ailing economy, many thought he would overturn the social debacle that afflicted post-apartheid South Africa. Jacob Zuma, the ‘100% Zulu boy’, has been shrouded by allegations of sexual abuse and misappropriation of funds for some time consequently becoming a victim of his own conscience. Unlike Mbeki who was Xhosa, Jacob Zuma hails from South Africa’s largest tribe and also Africa’s largest, the Zulu (people of heaven), thought to number 10-11 million, who fiercely fought the Boer-British domination of KwaZulu-Natal in the 18^th Century.

Jacob Zuma, the man ordinary South Africans thought would usher in an era of economic propserity and tranquility, did little to protect the struggling African immigrants whose properties were looted and sent packing. Thus, the current spate of unrestrained violence against non-South African blacks could be a harbinger for a sudden change in Pretoria’s political scene. With the unifying African slogan Ubuntu going down the drain and being replaced by animosity towards the struggling African immigrant, tomorrow's South Africa faces a bleak future.

Furthermore, Human Rights Watch, a global organization committed to ‘protecting human rights worldwide’ has been very critical of how the South African immigration officials, police, and border patrols treat migrant workers awaiting deportation to country of origin.³ “Police, immigration officials, and military border patrols in South Africa often seriously abuse undocumented migrants when they arrest them”, said Georgette Gagnon, deputy Africa director at Human Rights Watch. As reported by Human Rights Watch, “undocumented migrants awaiting deportation are locked up with criminal suspects or even convicts, while migrant children are often held alongside adults” .

The 2008 wave of xenophobic attacks against black migrants may have started in Alexandra Township, but the truth of the matter is, migrants, notably Somalis, had been killed in various regions of South Africa without legal justifications for almost a decade. The number of Somalis killed in South Africa in the last decade narrowly number 500.⁴ “Most troubling for the authorities is the fact that the hot spots of anti-immigrant violence are some of the same townships that had been the furnaces of anti-apartheid violence. A little more than a decade after the end of apartheid, the new government is sending the same riot police in the same armored trucks into those same townships to suppress mob violence against immigrants.

Somalis arriving South Africa in the last decade brought diverse business ventures visible in many towns and cities while neighboring Zimbabweans brought with them professionals including doctors, nurses, teachers, and much needed engineers. Rather than being grateful for such unparalleled services, a few disgruntled politicians with apartheid-era inclinations have chosen to finance a few malevolent thugs with arms, drugs, and alcohol for the deliberate disintegration of the ‘Rainbow Nation’ whose formation would have been impossible without the support of the same people they wish to drive out or out rightly exterminate.

A nation that prides to have the best economy in black Africa; a nation that has to its credit several Nobel Prize winners for peace and literature; a state that once amassed nuclear arsenals of immense destruction; a nation with unrivalled infrastructure in the African continent has descended in to chaos within a matter of days with political analysts speculating it to be headed for destruction. The new ‘Rainbow Nation’ may never be the same again unless the current administration takes a strong stand in the preservation of peace and security and the creation of jobs for the suffering unemployed youth languishing in the homelands and ghettos.

Adan Makina

WardheerNews

adan.makina@gmail.com

1 http://www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hendrik_Verwoerd

2http://www.historyplace.com/speeches/mandela.htm

3http://www.hrw.org/pt/news/2007/02/26/south-africa-migrants-abused-officials-and-farmers

4 http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1808016,00.html

LAMA FILAAN

Waan isku mushquulsanaa oo waxaan ku fooraray telefonkeyga gacanta. Gaari ayaan dhex fadhiyay oo waxaan akhrisanayey qisadii As-xaabu Sabti ee naloogu sheegay Qur'aanka Kariimka ah. Gabadheyda ayaan sugaye in aan ka soo qaado dugsiga sare ee Oak Park High school. Kulbeegga wuxuu tilmaamaye in cimilada ay kulushahay kuna taagneyd 85 dhigirii. Dariishadaha gaariga waa ay ii furnaayeen. Hal baabbuur ayaa horteyda yaalley, dhinaca bidixna wey dhoobnaayeen. Xagga midig cidina igama xigin oo waxaa ku beernaa caws iyo geedo dhaadheer. Gadaal waxaa iga taagnaana maba aanan ogeyn.

Waxaan ka war helay qof dumar ah oo weliba Caddaan ah oo i dul taagan. Waxay i weydiisay in aan amaahin karo qalin. Waan yara naxay illeyn si kedis ah ayey iigu timide. Wey ila yara kaftantay. "Waxaa yaab ah in aniga iyo ninkeyguba aynan qalin sidan", ayey ku calaacashay. "Teeda kale, shaqo ayaan ku jiraa oo sidan baan Ku shaqyn hayaa", ayey sii raacisay hadalkeedi. Intaan qalin cuseyb ahaa farta ka saaray ayaan ugu bishaareeyay in ay iska qaadato qalinka. Ayadoo faraxsan ayey agteyda ka dhaqaajisay oo ku noqotay fatuuraddeedi oo gadaasheyda tiil.

NAF JECLEYSI

Dad waxaa jiraa caabuda jirkooda, naftooda, hawadooda. Kuwa jirkooda caabuda waxay maalin kasta ku mushquulaan sidey jirkooda u wanaajin lahaayeen oo waxay sammeeyaan jimicsi xad dhaaf ah. Maalin walba waxay aadaan meelaha lagu jimicsado. Noloshooda waa shaqo iyo jimicsi, daawo la laqo oo qanjidhada iyo xididdada lagu kiciyo iyo kolba meel hor leh oo jirkooda ka mid ahi ay la tacaalaan.

Kuwo waxaa jira kastuuma yar dabada loogu xiro oo kolba dhinac loo rogroga dabadeedna la eego, la salsalaaxo, la masaajeeyo, la miisaamo oo ugu dambeyn sawirro laga qaado kadibna qiimeyn lagu sammeeyo.

Mar waxuu ka shaqeynayaa murqaha gacmaha, marna bowdada iyo kubka, marna barida, marna feeraha iwm. Waa shaqo joogta ah. Waxay cunaan cunto miisaaman. Waxay iska ilaaliyaan baruurta, borotiinka badan, sonkorta, hilibka jiirka ah iyo hilibka digaagga.

Culimada jir dhiska waxay yiraahdaan cuntooyiinka ku habbon jir dhiska waxaa kamid ah nooca kalluunka loo yaqaaan oyster, hilibka loo yaqaan saturated steak ee uu ku badanyahay dheecaan-biyoodka ama atamada (atoms) haydaroojiinka kuna yaryahay labo kaarboonka (double carbon) ama saddex kaarboonka (triple carbon), ukunta iyo yoogada ah caano fadhiya oo lagu daray kheyraad kale sida qudaar la shiiday.

Waxay kaloo si ba'an u cunaan cuntada leh qolfaha (fiber), liinta loo yaqaan grapefruit, beytaraafka (beetroot), badharka laga sameeyo xoolaha cawska cuna, mooska, iyo ugu dambeyn canabka.

Kuwa jecel naftooda iyo hawadooda waxay daba kacaan wax allaale wixii naftooda raaxo gelinaya sida galmada, guryo qurxoon, dahabka, dalxiiska, filimaanta ama shaneemooyiinka, is dhex galka ragga iyo dumarka ama is dhex mushaaxa aadanaha, damaashaadka, heesooyiinka iyo muusikada, xayawaanaadka, badaha, cimilada oo la daawado lana daneeyo, iwm. 

Dabbaaldegga 20ka Maarso

Taariikhda shaleyto waxey aheyd 20 Maarso, 2015. Dadal badan ayaa laga dabbaaldegay 20ka Maarso. Waa maalinkii Nebruz. Magaca Nebruz waxaa kaloo loo yaqaan Nowruz, Norooz, Newroz, iyo siyaabo kaloo loo qoro. Waxaa inta badan laga dabbaaldegaa waddanka Iiraan, Turkiga, iyo dalal kaloo la jaar ah.

Dabbaaldegga Nevruz wuxuu billowday xilligii xukuumadihii la odhan jiray Achaeminids ee xukunkoodu lagu qiyaaso 530-330 Nebi Ciise (Caleyhi salaam) Ka Hor. Boqorkii ugu horreeyay ee meel dhiga dabbaaldegga maalinka Nowruz, wuxuu ahaa halyeygii la odhan jiray Saayraas (Cyrus the Great).

Haddaba 20 Maarso waxaa lagu yaqaan in qorraxda kulushahay waayo waxay ku sii socotaa xarriiq-beenaadka (imaginary line) ee loo yaqaan Ekwatooraha (equator) ayadoo hore usoo martay xariiqa konfureed Tropic of Capricorn. Intuusan sannadka dhammaan ayey qorraxda haddana tegeysaa xarriiq kale oo loo yaqaan Tropic of Cancer oo ku yaal dhanka woqooyi.

Tiirar-beenaadka loo yaqaan udub dhexaadka (poles) ee dunida ukala qeybiya labo dhan ama gabal ee cabbirkiisu yahay eber dhigirii (zero degree) wuxuu maraa magaalooyinka Akra (Accra) ee ah magaala-madaxda dalka Gaana (Ghana) iyo Landhan (London) oo ah caasimadda dalka Ingiriiska.

20ka Maarso waxaa laga gudbayaa xilligii jiilaalka ee qabowga badnaa ama abaaraha ba'an lagu yaqaan waxaana la gelayaa xilliga barwaaqada ama gu'ga ee geedaha caleemo yeeshaan dalaggana si fiican loo helo tacbashada kadib. Xayawaanno godad dhulka hoostiisa ku jiray baa soo baxaa oo haddana tarmaa ama dhaldhalaa. Waa xilliga dad iyo duunyaba damaashaado, shimbiraha noo ciyaan, badaha kululaadaan oo cayayaanka dunida kubato.

Laga billaabo Maarso 20keeda dalalka woqooyi waxay arkaan in qorraxda xilli hore soo baxdo, xilli danbena dhacdo. Dabbeyluhu waa kuwo deggan oo aan xawaara dheer ku socon inkastoo dabeyluhu xawaaraha kordhinayaan goorta la gaaro bisha Agosto oo ay socdaan illaa sannadka daba-yaaqadiisa. Waa xilliga duufanada iyo dabeylaha xoogga badan. Dabeylahaasina waa kuwa geedaha caleenta ka daadiya dhulkana xaaqa ama nadiifiya.

Nowruz oo afka Soomaaliga laoogu tarjumi karo Neyruus, waxaa billaabay dad raacsanaa diinta loo yaqaan Zoroastrianism ama Majuus-waa kuwa dabka caabuda e. Diinta Xoroastrianism-ka waxaa kaloo ku camal fali jiray xukuumadihii la kala odhan jiray Baartiyaan (Parthians) iyo Sasaniyiin (Sassanid). Baartiyaanka waxaa billaabay boqorkii Arsaces-kii Koowaad, Sasaniyiintana waxaa aas-aasay Ardashir-kii Koowaad-waana xukunkii ugu danbeeyay ee Farsiyiinta ama dhulkii la odhan jiray Beershiya (Persia). Kadib waxaa soo if baxay xukuumado Islaami ah.

Xilligii Achaemenids-ka ay xukumi jireen dhulkii Farsiga ee hadda loo yaqaan Iiraan iyo dalal kaloo badan, gobol walbo waxaa ka talin jiray boqor waxaana kasii wada sarreeyay boqor la odhan jiray Shahan Shah oo micnaheedu yahay Boqorkii Boqorrada. Boqorradani yar yari waxay Shahan Shah ukeeni jireen haddiyado xilliga dabbaaldegga Nevruz.

Dabbaaldeggani wuxuu saammeyn ku yeeshay madaahiib ku abtirsada diinta Islaamka kuwaasoo kala ah Ismaaciiliyiinta, Calaawiyiinta oo loo yaqaan Nuseyriyiin, Baxaayiinta oo raacsan Mirsa Xuseen Cali Nuuri, Suufiyiinta, Baabiis oo raacsan Seyid Muxammad Cali Shiraasi iyo Baktaashiyiin oo raacsan Xaaji Baktaash Weli.

A Comprehensive History of Somalia: A Book Review

By Adan Makina June 17 , 2012

A small body of determined spirits fired by an unquenchable faith in their mission can alter the course of history-Mahatma Gandhi

When Ismail Ali Ismail started writing his newly published book that synchronously details the history of Somalia and the Somali people, he had one thing in mind: the delivery of a sequence of events that is free from preconceived notions, preferential treatments, tribal inclinations, and irrelevant gossip. The book, Governance: The Scourge and Hope of Somalia, is a comprehensive history of Somalia and the Somali people and traces the root causes of the miasma and mendacity that have become the hallmarks of the ongoing irremediable Somali intransigence that is like a malignant cancer consuming the very core of Somali political fabric to this day. The book was published by Trafford Publishing in 2010 with the assigned International Standard Book Numbers, ISBN 978-1-4269-1980-0 for its soft cover and ISBN 978-1-4269-2099-0 for the hard cover.

An academic, a public servant of previous Somali governments, and a long time diplomat assigned to various official responsibilities, Ismail’s knowledge of the Somali people and their political ideals may be described as unrivalled and as well unparalleled.

Unlike litigious historical chronicles penned down by past and present opinionated foreign or Somali writers, Ismail’s penmanship will remain evident in its nature of journalism and scholarly research for quite some time. His energy to write has been fuelled by a passion to expose the truth about a people and a nation whose history has become negligible.

What makes the book most attractive is the magnificence and eloquence of language and its cheerfulness and eagerness to marvelously calibrate undiagnosed historical phantasms. Like a camel herder traversing a desert storm in search of sustenance, the author perilously struggled to scramble through bookshelves and internet sites with the sole aim of unearthing and putting together a historical exegesis of profound importance to anyone interested in deciphering the circumstances surrounding Somalia’s exhaustive political entanglement. Voluminous and over four-hundred pages, Governance: The Scourge and Hope of Somalia, has a lot to tell the reader from the beginning chapter to the end.  It is a well researched book that has been written with good intentions. Almost every chapter begins with an ayah (verse) from the Holy Qur’an followed by eye-catching remarks by distinguished historical figures espousing unblemished character, dignity, and great wisdom. In giving a broader meaning to the term clash of civilizations, the author explains how the struggle between Islam and Christianity affected the people of the Horn of Africa. 

The might of Somali pastoral democracy and Somali past history stretch back several millenniums as opposed to the unfounded and untested lexicon of exaggerations that populate imperial libraries. The author illuminates the might of former sultans whose tutelage, according to territorial and ethnographic location, varied in the manner of their sovereignty and hierarchical applications across the expansive Somali peninsula.

Former diplomat/administrator and author Ismail Ali Ismail

The author uses numerous scholarly references to disentangle causes of past Somali obduracy and other malevolent historical dynamics that accelerated the rupturing of the once homogeneous Somali pastoral society. It is quite painful and mind-blowing for modern Somalis to experience the worst form of divisions, tribalism, and shocking forms of slaughter using all avenues of destruction including the application of modern war machinery while during the Somali Youth League (SYL) era there was little or no resistance among the few concerned nationalists whose unity rested on getting rid of the shackles of colonialism. Somalis are volatile, violent, and virulent when fighting among themselves and peaceful, graceful, and generous, when dealing with foreigners sharing equal thoughts and processes.

Somali volatility preceded the colonial administrations of Britain and Italy respectively. For centuries, tribal animosity and blood feuds have been the hallmarks of the unmarked greater Somali tribal territories where violence triggered by flimsy altercations led to unstoppable virulence spreading like wildfire and consequently consuming inhabitants of homesteads and kraals scattered countrywide. Periods of peace and prosperity allowed peripatetic nomads in search of pasture to traverse extensive territories and open a path for European explorers dedicated to charting avenues for future jingoistic imperialism followed by malevolent colonization. News of Somali valor and perseverance against European colonialism pilfered through Somalia’s southern neighbors Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania resulting in the historical events that became known as Mau Mau, Maji Maji, and Hehe rebellions. To the Arabs of South Arabia, the message was simple and clear: “if Somalis are free, why not us”.

The first chapter of the book scrutinizes the near century of colonial governance where Somalia was divided along colonial powers England and Italy leading to the pitiless British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland mandates that resulted in the partition of Somali territories the same time leaders of the mighty African continent were engaged in struggles for self-determination. In making comparative investigations of the two distinct administrations, the author pinpoints the lugubrious nature of the Italian colonial administration and the noninterference of the British in the Somali social makeup. The Italians callously manipulated Somali sovereignty by imposing a variety of restrictions that were meant to dismantle existing Somali social structure.

Thus, the very authoritarian fabrics of Rome transcended the borders of Italy finally arriving as anarchical condiments in areas of the mighty African continent where Italian totalitarianism reigned supreme. Italy’s loss of Libya and Eritrea culminated in Italian ersatz imperialism to grab the agriculturally fertile southern Somalia territories straddling the meandering Juba and Shebelle rivers. Despite pilfering Somali natural and human resources for close to a century, colonial powers Britain and Italy did little to diffuse to the Somalis the virtues of democratic organization, authority and control, and the principle and conduct of governance. Naturally, Somalis are an egalitarian society and it is incomprehensible for the British and Italians to abandon Somalia without injecting an iota of reliable governance.

Perhaps, what southern Somalis inherited from the Italians is nothing but pasta di semola di grano duro and pasta di soia.And as for the northern Somalis, what they inherited from the British is nothing but the leaves of Camellia sinensis, otherwise known as tea that was introduced in East Africa by British barons who oversaw the cultivation of vast tracts of land around the White Highlands-land that straddles the lush green Rift Valley in Kenya. The Rift Valley originates in Jordan and ends in the lower Zambezi Valley of Mozambique in southern Africa.

Somali stiff resistance to colonialism paved the way for self-determination and complete independence for the northern British Somaliland and the southern Italian Somaliland territories that had been separated for quite some time. The proclamation of independence on the 1st of July, 1960 heralded an era of unification and the intermingling of two homogeneously related communities but ideologically clothed in contorted English and Italian administrative styles. The sudden separation from British and Italian apathy led the two Somalis to chart a new avenue for a honeymoon that would last less than a decade. Unfortunately, Africa’s first democratic government headquartered in Mogadishu-“the seat of the Shah”-crumbled after a coup d’état orchestrated by a group of military officers took the nation by surprise at a time when military leadership was a political fashion in Africa and some parts of Asia.  

There is a lot to learn from Ismail’s penmanship. The book is comprehensive in context as it dwells into the historical aspects of the collapse of the military junta in 1991 consequently plunging Somalia into myriads of problems that include foreign interference in the form of humanitarian missions, warlord supremacy, extremism and religious anarchy, tribal hostilities, maritime depletion, armed insurrections, prolonged droughts and environmental degradation, political obscurantism in almost every conceivable canton, piracy, assassinations, and the meteoric rise of Islamists.

If you are writing a paper for your college on Somalia or if you are in the process of preparing a thesis or dissertation that is exclusive to Somalia, the book, Governance: The Scourge and Hope of Somalia, is one important document you would want to consult and reference before embarking on your erudite and scholarly journey to academic success. Adding it to your exotic library for future use could be an added advantage.

Adan Makina
WardheerNews,
email: adan.makina@gmail.com 

Xasan Aadan Samatar iyo Sahra Axmed Jaamac iyo Heestii Seyloo

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nVl0mUuH0eE

A BOOK REVIEW: AMERICA HERE I COME: A SOMALI REFUGEE’S QUEST FOR HOPE, A MEMOIR BY HAMSE WARFA

January 1, 2015

By Adan Makina

If your actions inspire others to dream more, learn more, do more and become more, you are a leader- John Quincy Adams

Few in our age and time dare to write a book before retirement. However, one young man originally from Somalia put his time and effort by writing one in cosmopolitan America. The book, America: Here I come: A Somali Refugee’s Quest for Hope, by established Somali-American community leader, academic, blogger, essayist and author Hamse Warfa, is a memoir that is laden with profound historical narratives that pinpoint the author’s early childhood upbringing in beleaguered, impoverished, and war-ravaged Somalia located in the Horn of Africa. Beautifully crafted, the book’s top cover features the blue and red colors of the American flag which could also translate to the colors of the two most powerful rival political parties-Democratic and Republican respectively.

Roughly 261-pages and published by Sunshine Publishing, the book is a memoir of a kid from Somalia who grew up in the sprawling city of Mogadishu-a city that was once dubbed the “Pearl of Africa” and the “Cleanest City in Africa”. Surrounded by loving parents, brothers, and sisters, and affectionate friends and friendly neighbors, Hamse found what he cherished most in life: a decent education and leadership acumen in oecumenical America. While some foreigners may have harbored negative perceptions of Somalia of the olden days, the author succinctly explains the pleasure and splendor and the lively perfection that shrouded the peaceful Somali nation those days. Somalia of old was a worldly paradise where a few foreigners dared infiltrate because of the visa restrictions and because of the heavy presence of the military regime in every corner of the country.

In his heydays, nothing about the lavishes of life escaped these young author. He attended the best school, lived in the best neighborhood, and socialized with children of like caliber who were mostly from affluent neighborhoods and were sons and daughters of the Somali governing bureaucracy.

The collapse of the central government in 1991 followed by social transgression and fragmentation and the dissipation of governance brought about many huddles for Hamse and his extended family. There was monumental displacement of civilians, massive death and destruction mainly in Mogadishu and its environs, economic asphyxiation, political traducement, social divide as a result of tribalism and clannism, food and water shortages, and a host of other social ills that turned the once peacefully arranged tables upside down.

It was in neighboring Kenya that Hamse and his dedicated, entrepreneurial family became refugees. After making many frightful flights and daring escapes within Somalia mainly in the southern part of the country, Hamse and his family settled in Dadaab Refugee camp. In Dadaab, they encountered a life of living in tents under the scorching sun of Kenya’s North Eastern Province. Dadaab, the biggest refugee camp in the world, houses hundreds of thousands of refugees from Somalia, and a good number of South Sudanese who eventually relocated to Kakuma Refugee Camp in Turkana land. Climatologically, Daddaab is located in a hostile environment teaming with wild beasts, armed militants, rapists, cattle rustlers, and brigands.

Lacking the required facilities to sustain an expanding refugee population, Dadaab has long been an area of hostility predating Kenya’s independence. In the past, even before refugees started streaming in as a result of the civil war in Somalia that broke out in 1990 after the collapse of the central government in Mogadishu, Dadaab had its share of artificial absurdities that included tribal clashes, the Shifta insurgency, and repeated Kenya military operations.

The kids Hamse played with in harmony during peace times became fragmented and torn apart by a prolonged war that would continue for quarter a century. Driven by a destructive man-made whirlwind, a disproportionately destructive exodus ensued that ultimately sent the entire nation run berserk to various unspecified destinations globally. Each and every affected Somali suffered the brunt of the war. Some lost their entire livelihoods and became destitute within a short period of time; others lost their loved ones; while others opted to remain and be exposed to the horrors of raging wars and famine, disease, and displacement.

With the old adage ‘great leaders are born’ now replaced by ‘great leaders are made’, Hamse struggled tooth and nail in life to grab the best opportunities that came his way by climbing the ladder of success in leadership and entrepreneurship. Thus, with the opportunities he has in America, undoubtedly, the making of Hamse as a future leader, whether in Somalia or in the U.S., is obviously on course. Highly spirited Hamse went back to school in America to get the best education. Having obtained a master’s degree and then going uphill on wards on to enlisting in doctoral studies, a position that he is currently engrossed in, Hamse seems to be headed in the right direction in terms of leadership potential.
The author is a man with an iron will, dedicated, and determined to reap the benefits of hard work after many trials and tribulations. He has lectured in schools, partook in social activities, spoke in commemorations, assisted the elderly and needy, and above all, devoted a good portion of his spare time and energy to the upliftment of his struggling community mainly newly arriving Somali refugees setting base in America.

Without education, attaining the right leadership potential and catapulting to a higher status would have been impossible for the author of this book. Hamse’s leadership pursuit comes from emulating enlightening global great giants. With that in mind, I have the strongest conviction and belief that Hamse will remain a role model for many struggling Somali and African youth who wish to prosper locally, nationally, and internationally.

By Adan Makina
WardheerNews
Email: adan.makina@gmail.com