By Adan Makina
March 14, 2020
Change does not roll in on the wheels of inevitability
but comes through continuous struggle. And so, we must straighten our backs and
work for our freedom. A man can't ride you unless your back is bent---Martin
Luther King, Jr.
After two-decades of armed insurrections, rebellious transgressions, and wanton belligerence, representatives of the Sudanese government and the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M) finally signed a peace treaty inNaivasha , Kenya
in 2005 under the auspices of the United Nations (UN). Led and represented by
Dr. John Garang de Mabior (June 23, 1945 – July 30, 2005) in the historic
signing ceremony, the inhabitants of South Sudan looked forward to a day when
they would cast their votes in order to determine their future. That
anticipated time has finally come. An internationally supervised voting
referendum was held from January 9 to January 11, 2011 on
whether Southern
Sudan should remain a part of After two-decades of armed insurrections, rebellious transgressions, and wanton belligerence, representatives of the Sudanese government and the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M) finally signed a peace treaty in
Modern
Since gaining independence in 1956,
Sudan
has been led by a system of government dominated by leaders claiming Arabian
decent. Demographically, north Sudan
is dominated by people of Arab origin who are for the most part Muslims while
the south is divided between followers of Christianity
and traditional African
religions. For over half-century Sudan has been at the mercy of a
succession of military leaders with appalling human rights records. Unequal
distribution of wealth and imposed hierarchy practiced by north Sudanese
leaders plunged the nation into systemic violence. Following the toppling of
Prime Minister Sadiq al-Mahdi in a coup d’état instigated by the current
sitting president Hassan al-Bashir in 1989, Sudan descended into a cycle of
violence consequently setting the stage for a prolonged conflict. In 1981,
President Ja’afar an-Nimeiry, working in cahoots with the Islamic Brotherhood,
the world’s largest and oldest Islamist group, endorsed a dramatic shift toward Islamist political
governance. An-Nimeiry’s staunch Islamist views culminated in a
clash with modernism and reformism. An-Nimeiry was once described by New York
Times writer Dennis Hevesi as a “leader with shifting politics”. [1]An-Nimeiry was a man of shifting alliances such that
he switched from being an ardent supporter of Arab nationalism to socialism, from
having friendly relations with the Soviet Union to being pro-Western and a
close ally of the United
States . The imposition of Islamic Shariah and the discovery of oil
in the south agitated the predominantly black population who aggressively
intensified their fight for self-determination. The application of defensive realism
(a variant of political realism) by the bureaucracy in Khartoum resulted in protracted security
dilemmas. Thus, too much emphasis on security by the state set the stage for
greater instability. Likewise, northern Arab rulers applied Hobbesian anarchy
as the
dominant instrument to dominate the southerners. Successive
administrations inclined to various theoretical thoughts ranging from realism,
constructivism, and Marxism. Foreign powers driven by raison d’être also defined as national interest which
incorporates a country’s political, military, and cultural goals and ambitions
jumped on the bandwagon to scavenge for available scarce resources in South
Sudan. The primary historical contention in a nation’s survival depends on the
search for wealth, economic growth, and power.
South Sudan President Salva Kiir Mayardit |
The Late Dr. Garang de Mabior |
In his book, Conflicts and
Politics of Identity in Sudan, Amir Idris describes how northern Sudanese
rulers manipulated black Sudanese Muslims. The author describes tormenting
inhuman practices employed by northern Arab leaders that were aimed at
crippling all forms of insurgency by black Sudanese confessing faiths other
than Islam. By conscripting black Sudanese Muslims into the army to fight black
rivals who did not profess the Islamic faith, northern Arab leaders employed a
strategy
that became known as “Aktul al-Abid bil Abid”-a phrase
that translates to-“kill the slave through the slave”. [2] In
response to the north’s forcible imposition of Shariah law and gross injustices
against fellow Christians in the south, right-wing Christian groups pressured
the U.S. Government for intervention. To avoid a repeat of the Rwanda massacre of 1994 in which majority Hutus
slaughtered over 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus, the United States applied international diplomacy to
find an everlasting solution to south Sudan ’s simmering political imbroglio.
Hassan al-Bashir |
According to American national security policy, sovereign
states are categorized as either being allies, adversaries, potential
adversaries, or others. NATO member states are best described as allies;
potential adversaries are those countries that explicitly display open hatred
to the U.S. and at the same time possess military muscle; and with the
exception of some friendly nations in the Middle East (Egypt) that fall under
the “allies” category, almost the entire third world belong to the “others”
category. [3] Accordingly,
the United States , working
in concert with the United Nations, made a smart move against the government in
Khartoum by
using the United Nations High-Level Panel on Threats,
Challenges and Changes which led to the successful mobilization of the United
Nations Mission in Sudan (UNMIS). UNMIS was established by resolution 1590 of
the Security Council on 24 March 2005. [4]
Other than having national interests in Sudan ,
the U.S. is driven by moral
responsibility to prevent human rights abuses in South Sudan and as well to end
the genocide in Darfur . Further
institutionalized by the UN reform effort in 2005, The Responsibility to
Protect-or ‘R2P’-report of 2001 by the International Commission on
Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) established the intervention of the
international community should nations fail to protect their citizens. The
statutes of ICISS promoted and strengthened America ’s
resolve in Sudan .
[5]
Salva Kiir Mayardit, the current president of the semi-autonomous government of Southern Sudan and the Vice President ofSudan -the
man slated to be the future president of Southern Sudan -has
in the past called for the separation of the south from the north. While commenting
on the recent referendum in 2009, Kiir admonished southerners to either choose
being “a second class in your country” or “a free person in your own independent
state”. Political analysts and commentators and media personalities who have
been closely watching the political events in southern Sudan , noted
unifying sense of euphoria and a yearning for national sovereignty that was
visible on the faces of millions of southerners casting their votes.
Countries like Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda, Democratic Republic of Congo DRC), and the Central African Republic (CAR) that share border with Southern Sudan have a lot to gain from Africa’s newest republic. For example, apart from having cordial relations with the anticipated republic,Kenya
has vast business dealings ranging from banking, energy, transportation, and
education in Southern Sudan . An estimated
70,000 Kenyans reside in Juba alone. In the past, the Kenya
government played a major role in Sudan ’s quest for peace and
reconciliation. Top SPLA/M cadres established residences in Kenya ’s major cities with top cadres owning
palatial homes in Nairobi
and other cities. Likewise, Kenya
resettled thousands of South Sudanese refugees in its northern camp of Kakuma
and a vast number of Sudanese students call Kenya home. Chances are that
thousands of ordinary Kenyan citizens will flood Southern Sudan once Africa ’s newest proclaims independence. There was even
mention in the Kenya
press about modeling future Southern Sudanese education from the Kenyan system.
The East African Community (EAC), a regional body whose members have been drawn
from nations within East Africa for the purpose of boosting the regions economy
with an eye on future confederation, has reserved a space for the newly
emerging nation of Southern Sudan .
Final Voting Results
As a final verdict, global media reported that voting results exceeded international expectations. After decades of armed struggle, the new nation ofSouthern Sudan is now ready to embrace the international
community of nations. And as its people rejoice in adulation and collectively
celebrate with melodious applause, the type of political culture and mode of
administration to be charted by the nation's technocrats will determine its
future. For now, the nation's leadership is in the hands of Salva Kiir, doyen
of political and armed struggle. Presumably, the way forward for a region like
southern Sudan
that has been devastated by military incursions, carpet bombings, inter-clan
rivalry, disease and malnutrition, drought and locust invasions, is to embrace
liberal democracy. Respect for the rule of law, educating ordinary citizens as
a means to combating illiteracy, enhancing the foundations of the economy
through aggressive agriculture, land consolidation and soil conservation, advancing
political deliberations for the attainment of political maturity, inviting
credible foreign investors, exploiting potential natural resources, and
equitable distribution of the nation's wealth should be the foremost priority.
Salva Kiir Mayardit, the current president of the semi-autonomous government of Southern Sudan and the Vice President of
Countries like Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda, Democratic Republic of Congo DRC), and the Central African Republic (CAR) that share border with Southern Sudan have a lot to gain from Africa’s newest republic. For example, apart from having cordial relations with the anticipated republic,
Final Voting Results
As a final verdict, global media reported that voting results exceeded international expectations. After decades of armed struggle, the new nation of
The writer is a frequent contributor to www.wardheernews.com. He can be reached
at adan.makina@gmail.com
[1] Gaafar al-Nimeiry, “a Sudan
Leader with Shifting Politics, Dies at 79” by Dennis Hevesi,
New York Times (June 11, 2009), http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/12/world/africa/12nimeiry.html
[2] Amir H. Idris (2005), Conflict and politics of
identity in Sudan ,
Palgrave Macmillan, New
York .
[3]
Sarkesian, Sam C. and Williams John A. and Cimbala, Stephen J. (2008), U.S. National Security: Policymakers,
Processes, and Politics, Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. Boulder , Colorado .
[4] United Nations Mission in the Sudan ,
http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/missions/unmis/background.shtml
[5] Pease, Kelly-Kate S. (2008), International
Organizations: Perspectives on Governance in the Twenty-First Century (3rd
Ed.), Upper Saddle
River , In., New Jersey
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