Somali-Supreme Revolutionary Council: Harbinger for Social Injustice and Collapse of State Institutions

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"Little did we guess that what has been called the century of the common men would witness as its outstanding feature more men killing each other with greater facilities than any other five centuries together in the history of the world."
Winston Churchill-1945.

Abstract

This paper discusses the ethical and social justice issues that afflicted the Somali nation from 1969 to 1991 when the Somali-Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC) acted as the only political revolutionary entity in the country. Two major aspects, ethics and social justice, that had been immensely undermined and abused by the state plunged the Somali nation into its current situation of statelessness. Ethics and social justice are two interrelated subjects that have been used interchangeably in legal matters and in social organization. In this period in time, Somalia, a country in the Horn Africa bordering Kenya, Ethiopia, Djibouti, the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, had been under the mercy of a brutal military regime headed by Major General Mohamed Siyad Barre. During SRC’s height of power the concepts of human rights, equality, justice, and liberty got trampled on by the revolutionary party thus affecting the lives of a homogeneous nation dominated primarily by peripatetic citizens whose livelihood depended on livestock raring.

Proclaiming independence and a pseudo-democracy in 1960, the first of its kind in Africa, after the merger of the northern British Somaliland protectorate and the southern Italian colony of Somaliland, Somalia’s political freedom worsened after a military takeover in 1969. Nine years into democratic rule, the political landscape tilted toward military rule with the sudden assassination of President Abdirashid Ali Shermarke. The subsequent coup d’état orchestrated by a junta comprising twenty-five military officers led to the dissolution of previous democratic

and parliamentary institutions. The demise of democratization and the rise of militarism gave birth to socio-political injustices that included tribal hegemony, political irredentism, nationalization of private institutions, superfluous corrupt practices, abuse of office, favoritisms and persecution of the clergy and political opponents. Sensing a power vacuum after the sudden departure of the assassinated president from the political spectrum, members of SRC resolved to massive sweeping operations that resulted in human rights violations. President Shermarke was gunned down by a close relative on October 15, 1969 while on a trip to the north of the country at Las Anod Airstrip (Mertz, 1992).

Despite the SRC spearheading massive militarization and improvement of state economic structures on a grand scale in its initial years of governance, the sudden turn of political events in the country accelerated the collapse of state institutions, disintegration of social equality, and decline of economic freedom. Unethical running of state institutions by corrupt military cadres primarily from the SRC and their immediate relatives who espoused militaristic and authoritarian leadership styles opened a path for an atmosphere of disobedience, distrust, and recalcitrance. The absence of obligation to the citizenry (Cooper, 2006) brought about conflicting loyalties or conflicting obligations remorselessly revolving into a state of virulence. In this case, the SRC was to blame for the justification of state tyranny and propagation of rampant corruption committed in its name by the state machinery.

Scientific Socialism: Unethical and a Social Injustice

Somalia’s new military leadership adapted scientific socialism, a system of authority akin to communism and borrowed from the amalgamation of the theories of Marx, Mao, Lenin, and Mussolini. According to Mendel (1966), as defined by Marx, scientific socialism implied “preaching in the garb of analysis”. Contrary to Islamic teachings and democratic values, committee members of the SRC claimed that scientific socialism was commensurate with Islamic values and thus epitomized the self-help principle defined in Somali as “iskaa wax u qabso”. The kind of socialism implemented by the SRC was in essence, as Flew (1995) put it in the words of Hayek (1976) “entirely empty and meaningless”. Upon taking the reins of power, SRC took to sweeping destructive measures that caused untold suffering to the mass. This included arbitrary arrests of influential figures of the former government who were imprisoned in the infamous underground dungeons scattered all over the country. The revolutionary council used the dreaded National Security Service (NSS) to harass and intimidate members of select tribes that were considered a threat to the revolutionary structure and national sovereignty. The head of the NSS was General Ahmed Suleiman who was the in-law of the president.

Killing Rampage

Public execution by firing squad of high-ranking public figures became common in Mogadishu. The execution by firing squad of ten Muslim scholars who denounced a presidential decree regarding the equality of women to men in Islamic law coincided with the United Nations General Assembly’s declaration of the International Women’s Year in 1975. Members of the ten executed scholars included Ali Hassan Warsame, Ali Jama Hersi, Adan Ali Hersi, Sheikh Ahmed Iman, Sheikh Ahmed Sheikh Mohamed, Hasan Issa Iley, Mohamed Siyaad Hersi, Sheikh Muse Yusuf, Saleeban Jama Mohamed, and Yasin Elmi Awl (Biyokulule, 2009). This hasty execution of religious scholars without legal justification put the SRC in political limbo with Muslim scholars especially those from Arab nations denouncing the killings as unjustified and without merit. Killing of opposition candidates and arrest of innocent civilians without legal representation was widespread such that thousands of educated elites sought refuge in neighboring countries, in the West, and in the Middle East.

Conflicting Loyalties

Censorship of publications that shed light on the regime’s poor performance became common. The government controlled what to read and what not to read. Xiddigta Oktoobar, a low-class newspaper consisting of a dozen pages and owned by the government, disseminated propaganda, presidential decrees, and other irrelevant materials emanating from the top leaders of the nation. The appalling human rights violations and excesses committed by SRC command forced the US, EU, and international human rights groups to call for sanctions and other military measures. The SRC’s obsession with communism and the nation’s leadership inclination to the Soviet Union inspired Somali leaders to brace shoulders with Russian, eastern European, Latin American, and Caribbean apparatchiks in Moscow, Havana, Berlin, and other communist hotspots respectively. Somalia switched sides by kicking out the Russians after the devastating 1977/78 war with Ethiopia over the Ogaden region. Somalia and Ethiopia fought over this predominantly Somali-inhabited Ogaden region in a brutal war that took the lives of thousands of innocent civilians

and displayed perhaps an equal number. Prior to the escalation of hostilities with the regime in Addis Ababa, Somalia had the strongest army in black Africa. Regardless of its military might, Somalia's exhausted and poorly-armed army was no match for the heavily-armed amalgamation of Ethiopian, Russian, Cuban, and Communist South Yemeni forces. Despite capturing most of its intended territory from antagonistic Ethiopia that was under the tutelage of Mengistu Haile Miriam, the torchbearer of the Derg regime and instigator of the Red Terror inflicted heavy losses on the invading Somali Army and the Western Somali Liberation Front (WSLF) that was funded, armed, and directed from Mogadishu, Somalia's capital and seat of government. From the Ethiopian side, primary commanders of this devastating war included Mengistu Haile Miriam and his close confidant Aberra Haile Miriam assisted by Cold War allied commanders General Vasily

Petrov, a decorated World War II veteran and commander of the Soviet Army and Arnaldo Ochoa of Cuba. Major propagators from Somali side included Major General Mohamed Siyad Barre and his right-hand man Lieutenant General Muhammad Ali Samatar (Global Security, 1986). By the time the war ended, thousands of refugees from Ethiopia's occupied Ogaden region found themselves living in abject poverty in various refugee camps inside Somalia and relying on relief aid provided by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other international aid agencies.

After ending the political imbroglio with the USSR, Somalia turned to the United States for military and economic aid. To ensure America filled the vacuum left by the Soviets, Somalia gave the US unconditional use of its Russian-built port in the town of Berbera overlooking the Gulf of Aden. In the early years of 1984 and at the height of the Cold War, the US, after signing contract agreement with the Somali Ministry of Defense, succeeded overturning the declining shape of the decrepit port and the ramshackle airport, which, at that time was reputedly considered to have been the longest in Africa. According to the New York Times (1995), “aid declined drastically as allegations of human rights abuses rose”. Driven by the desire to obliterate civil disobedience and silence all sorts of conceivable rebellion, the SRC used Berbera runway to catapult jet fighters operated by hired South African mercenary pilots in 1988 to carryout carpet bombings against the embittered northern Isaac clans who were up in arms for the sole purposes of reclaiming self-determination.

Social Division

SRC committed social stratification that elevated a sector of society while suppressing those found not to be towing the line. Likewise, social disintegration, tribal divisions, economic strangulation, and unwarranted political obscurantisms rose exponentially in some areas like the northern and eastern provinces leaving a portion of the country cut out from the rest of the country. Such infringements on the rights of the individual Somali citizen retarded the nation’s economic status in the global economy ultimately leaving Somalia a pariah state lacking credible friends in the international community of nations. Under General Barre NGOs were prohibited (Marchal, Mubarak, Del Buono & Mozalillo, 2000) because they were considered as tools for hiding under clan umbrella. Barre’s clan dominated all sectors of the economy and the military. The president’s family enjoyed tremendous leverage over other clans in banking and other financial institutions such that members had fixed assets in the country and overseas trusts.

Aid earmarked for rejuvenating the nation’s dwindling economy and for the underprivileged class ended in the pockets of the tops echelons of the party. Instead of opening the nation to the world, SRC espoused a policy of allowing a few tribal members travel abroad for business trips, scholarships, and leisurely purposes. The department of immigration, headed by a close relative of the president issued passports through the use of favoritism and kinship ties. Selection of heads of diplomatic missions and consular office representatives depended not on applicant merit and reliability, but on factors related to subservience to the regime, closeness to a reputed figure, giving out bribes, or accepting party directives however unfavorable the terms may be.

Land Grabbing

Despite enjoying moderate climate and dependable arable land straddling the Juba and Shebelle rivers, Somalia became an aid dependent nation. The most corrupt nations enjoyed joint ventures with the regime’s top most fraudulent bureaucrats grabbing land belonging to poor riverine tribes living on the margins of the nation’s only two perennial rivers that fall to the south of the country. Nations that had vested livestock, fishing, veterinary, and agricultural interests included Italy, Libya, the former Soviet Union, and Romania. Somalita, a joint Somali-Italian agricultural enterprise enjoyed exclusive rights to farming in the southern fertile lands producing bananas on a wide scale. Regardless of Italy’s large scale agricultural produce in this part of Somalia, the area lacked basic infrastructure; towns were deficient in the acquisition of accessible water and sewerage systems; electricity was almost nonexistent; and the few existing medical facilities could not cope up with the spread of diseases.

Protracted Theft and Retarded Development

With the exception of the 500 km highway that connected Mogadishu to Kismayu in the south, the rest of the region was inaccessible especially during the rainy seasons when large tracts of land became flooded. The former Soviet Union unconditionally managed Las Kore Fishing Cannery in the east of the country. Much of the fishing produce was intended to feed Communist Russia’s explosive population leaving Somalia’s impoverished population with nothing except few employment opportunities. Despite Somalia having the longest coastline in Africa (Earth Trends, 2003), the ruling SRC failed rendering assistance to the few local fishermen fishing along Somalia’s 3898 km coastline to raise production. Fisherman plied the coastline using unreliable and dilapidated motorboats resulting in failure to meet consumer demands and consequently accelerating reduced fishing production. Instead, fishermen sold their catches to SOMALFISH, the only government industrial fishing monopoly in the country.

In another joint fishery cooperation known as SIADCO, Somalia and Iraq jointly operated four trawlers allowing Iraq to haul much of the Somali fish to Iraqi markets (Sonu, 1982). Despite generating millions of dollars from fishing and despite receiving millions of dollars in the form of grants and awards from friendly foreign governments, ordinary Somali citizens ended up receiving nothing in return to overturn the sorry state of the economy. In the absence of accountability, social justice, ethical considerations, and quality leadership, the feasible or tangible monetary gains generated from marine fishing ended up in private overseas accounts.

Another worthless joint venture known as RomSoma, a farming project implemented by the Government of Romania in cooperation with the Somali government, carried out low-level farming in the town of Balad, about 30 km from Mogadishu. This farming venture, according to Douthwaite (2003), applied endosulfan, a dangerous industrial chemical to eradicate the killer tsetse fly.

However, the result was reduction in bird incubation and disappearance of various bee species from the area. RomSoma and the repressive Somali regime may shoulder the blame for taking away agricultural lands that could have benefitted the residents of the town.

Recommendations

The SRC failed miserably in its political governance endeavors such that after twenty-one years of military rule, the country still remains in a condition described by the media and political scholars as ‘statelessness’. The problems created by the SRC could have been averted if the party followed constructively applied distributive justice, procedural justice, and interactional justice. The lingering political divide in the country was spearheaded by the party in power whose ideals rested on authoritarian sacrifices. Party apparatchiks had the responsibility to prevail over the spread of social inequality and social inequity in the nation yet negligently left things to get out of hand. The elevation of some tribes over other tribes spearheaded hate and schisms of the greatest magnitude.

It is a requirement for top governing institutions willing to preserve national coherence to be fair and impartial when dealing with the ordinary citizen of the state. Those endowed with authority should take the lead and ensure equal and profound spread of ethical concepts and social justice without regard to race, creed, color, sex and gender, origin, and political and religious affiliation. The SRC could have achieved success in the workplace if it had paid

particular attention to fair social equity and social justice in the workplace. One other factor the party leadership would have scrutinized carefully entailed keeping an eye on procedural justice which is determining job allocations. Because of widespread abuse in the workplace and absence of interactional justice, Somalia under SRC became a place where human dignity was not given the worth it deserved.

Conclusion

Despite abundance of natural resources and untapped mineral wealth, the plethora of social injustices and unethical misdeeds perpetrated by the SRC eventually left the Somali nation succumb to poverty and destitution and prolonged reliance on foreign aid. The underlying recurring cycle of violence evident in the country since the fall of the central government in 1991 may be attributed to the past injustices perpetrated by the irresponsible SRC bureaucracy and its oligarchic revolutionaries that malevolently fleeced the economy for selfish paltry gains. The international community’s adamancy in restraining the erratic double dealings of the SRC and its misguided ideological principles gave Siyad Barre and his confidants to tread a path of irreversible destruction. Lack of practicable human rights, justice, liberty, and equality undermined the party’s struggle to impose level governance.

References

Metz, Helen C. (1992), Somalia: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress.

Cooper, Terry L. (2006), The Responsible Administrator: An Approach to Ethics for the Administrative Role, Jossey-Bass, San Francisco, CA

Mendel, Arthur P. (1966), The Rise and Fall of “Scientific Socialism”, Foreign Affairs (October 1, 1966), retrieved from http://web.ebscohost.com.ezp.waldenulibrary.org/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?sid=3cdbeebc-8efe-4904-ad9b-41b98fab57f2%40sessionmgr4&vid=4&hid=24

Flew, Anthony (1995), Socialism and ‘Social Justice, Journal of Libertarian Studies 11:2, retrieved from https://www.mises.org/journals/jls/11_2/11_2_2.pdf

Hayek, F. A. (1976), The Mirage of Social Justice, Vol. II, Law, Legislation and
Liberty, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, p. 97.

Biyo Kulule (2009), Somali Women Equal Inheritance, retrieved from http://www.biyokulule.com/Xeerka_Qoyska.htm

Global Security (1986), Why Ogaden War, retrieved from http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/report/1986/KCA.htm

James, George (1995), Somalia's Overthrown Dictator, Mohammed Siad Barre, Is Dead, Published: January 03, 1995, retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/1995/01/03/obituaries/somalia-s-overthrown-dictator-mohammed-siad-barre-is-dead.html?src=pm

Marchal R., Mubarak J.A., Del Buono M., & Manzolillo D.L. (2000), Globalization and its Impact on Somalia, retrieved from http://www.mbali.info/doc346.htm

Douthwaite, R.J. (2003), Effects of drift sprays of endosulfan, applied for Tsetse-fly control, on breeding little bee-eaters in Somalia, Tropical Development and Research Institute, College House, Wrights Lane, London W8 5SJ, Great Britain, Retrieved from http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0143147186901030

U.S. Government Office (1982), Somalia: A Case Study, retrieved from http://www.marines.mil/news/publications/Documents/Somalia%20Study_3.pdf

Sonu, Sunee C. (1982), Office of International Fisheries Affairs, National Marine Fisheries Service, NOAA, Washington, DC, retrieved from http://spo.nmfs.noaa.gov/mfr4412/mfr44124.pdf

Earth Trends Country Profiles (2003), Coastal and Marine Ecosystems-Somalia, retrieved from

Eid Mubarak...Ciid Wanaagsan

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1. Alla maanta ayaanta, iyo iidda wanaagsan,
Ilaaheen nasiiyay, isagaa ku abaal leh
Way ahaataye manta, si wanaagsan u iida x 2
2. Calankeena iftiimay, xiddigtaa ku astaysan
Ilaaheen nasiiyay, asagaa ku abaal leh
Way ahaataye maanta, si wanaagsan u iida x 2
3. Ardey-deena iskuulka, odayaal talinaaya
Ilaaheen nasiiyay, asagaa ku abaal leh
Way ahaataye maanta, si wanaagsan u iida x 2

Ethics in the Workplace

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The term ethics, when applied to the workplace, admonishes people having close working relationships to aspire to conduct business in the most applicable manner and to strive to overcome all sorts of acts that may hinder productivity, diminish respect and dignity, and spearhead moral degradation. Ethics, in simple terms, is defined as distinguishing right from wrong. In our lifetime, we encounter various unethical issues committed by people of all ranks, with differing color and creed, religion and origin. Ethical issues in the workplace can best be observed by following the ethical codes of conduct established for each and every office. They are rules and regulations that act and guide the material and moral principles of employees and employers.

One burning scandalous issue that gripped the imagination of the global media has been the much-publicized Halliburton Scandal in which officials from the mega-corporation overcharged the United States Department of Defense (DOD) during the Iraq War after securing a $7 billion contract in Iraq to supply fuel. Former Vice-President of the United States Dick Cheney, who was CEO of Halliburton from 1995 to 2000, finally stepped down after receiving $34 million as compensation (Guardian, 2004). Halliburton is considered to be the second biggest oilfield services corporation in the world and has over 70 operations worldwide.

The company’s corporate policy regarding sensitive transactions states “The Company will conduct its business in compliance with applicable Law (See Corporate Policy 3-0001 with respect to conflicts between United States Law and the Law of another country) and requires all Company Directors and Employees to avoid any activities which could involve the Company in any unlawful practice” (Halliburton, 2003). Even though it is stipulated in its policy, Halliburton leaders saw no problem breaking the law when it came to defrauding its own government.

Founded by Erle Halliburton in 1919, the energy corporation has remained in the spotlights of global and national controversies with officials reaping with impunity. In a well documented testimony, Bunnatine Greenhouse, an employee of Halliburton complained to army officials about the preferential treatment given to Halliburton in the Balkans, Kuwait, and Iraq. Her involvement in the investigations led her to be demoted. Halliburton did harm to its credibility by overcharging the same government that gave it contractual rights to extract oil from Iraq in the aftermath of the invasion. With help from corrupt government officials, the mega-corporation emerged the only entity to have exclusive rights to exploit Iraq’s abundant black gold. Despite the scandal and public outcry, Halliburton escaped unscathed from every scandal including the killing of three of its unarmed security guards who were indiscriminately gunned down by insurgents in Iraq after an Improvised Explosive Device or IED unexpectedly ripped apart the armored vehicle they were travelling in. Harrowing images of the shooting was captured on film by a lone survivor and shown to the world.

References

Frederickson, H. G. (1999), Ethics and the New Managerialism: An Interactive Journal 4(2), 299–324. Retrieved from http://www.spaef.com/file.php?id=1103

David, Teather (February 18, 2004), Halliburton Suspends Bills for Army Meals, World News, The Guardian, London. Retrieved from http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2004/feb/18/iraq.usa

Corporate Policy (2003), Halliburton Company & Subsidiary Companies, Retrieved from
http://www.halliburton.com/AboutUs/default.aspx?pageid=2326&navid=976

Social Change

Cover of Public Integrity

Social change is changing the working conditions of employees and their working environment. Changes may not be workable if the employer and employee are not ready for change. Ethical decision-making, when applied to social change, helps alleviate existing problems and is best served when managers take the mantle of leadership to deter actions that may tarnish the good name and reputation of the company they represent.

Superior managers are known to be active in the preservation of good working conditions by observing the code of ethics of the organizations they serve. This implies ensuring the rules and regulations of the workplace are never violated and that all employees are treated with dignity and respect. In case of a malpractice where the company regulation has been broken by some employees with intent to cause problems, managers may feel obliged to take measures against culprits implicated in any act of wrongdoing that undermine company ethics.

As Yeager (2007) argues, “Supervisors can encourage employees to act both ethically and responsively, or they can emphasize political responsiveness without setting ethical limits.” Factors that undermine social change include kickbacks, preferential treatment, favoritisms based on familial relationships, and use of insider trading to garner wealth, bribery and other unethical and imperfect dealings that lead to low morale, frivolity, and diminished use of faculty of reasoning. In the past I witnessed the departure of a group of employees implicated in the collective theft of a refugee resettlement agency. These employees worked in cahoots with some managers to overcharge, steal, and distort important documents for their selfish gains. Eventually, the sword of Themistocles fell on them after thorough investigations by a new director leading to the termination of the group.

Reference

Yeager, S. J., Hildreth, W. B., Miller, G. J., & Rabin, J. (2007). The relative effects of a
supervisory emphasis on ethical behavior versus political responsiveness. Public Integrity, 9(3), 265-283.

Piracy Spearhead Social Divide

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Piracy is an act of robbery in the high seas committed by non-state actors. Piracy in Somalia has caused widespread fragmentation and social divide among the communities of this part of this Horn of Africa such that, once considered irreligious, unpardonable, and a job to be scoffed at, it has become something to be bragged about despite having ramifications on the economy, on the society, and on the political stability of the region as a whole.

Since the collapse of the Somali central government in 1991, northeast Somalia saw the emergence of highway brigands who not only interrupt international shipping but also tremendously cause untold suffering to the thousands of innocent civilians living in squalid conditions. Drawn from former cadres of the Somali Navy and volunteer militia, piracy in northeast Somalia, as the pirates and their cohorts portend, has grown into being the stable sustainer of the economy, though, to the contrary, the living conditions among majority of the population is dismally beyond comprehension. Wife-stealing by extortion, prostitution conglomeration, drug abuse and violence, insecurity and malevolent acts have reduced once peaceful communities into avenues of hate and suspicion.

According to Bowden (2010), by 2010, Somali pirates had in their custody seamen from the nations of Bangladesh, China, Ghana, Greece, India, Indonesia, Kenya, Korea, Myanmar, Pakistan, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Ukraine, United Kingdom, Turkey, Yemen, and Vietnam.

Lack of a workable legitimate government has made Somalia a center for international piracy. The presence of al-Shabab, an extremist religious faction known for instilling fear and servitude, has been a handicap to governance and stability. The most important aspect of governance in any nation is the presence of assured security. The international community will have to assist Somalia so it can stand on its feet again. Piracy can only be defeated inland and not at sea. The millions of dollars being spent on guarding Somalia’s territorial waters by foreign navies could have served a better cause if spent inland.

Reference

Bowden, Anna (2010), One Earth Future Working Paper, retrieved from http://oceansbeyondpiracy.org/sites/default/files/documents_old/The_Economic_Cost_of_Piracy_Full_Report.pdf

Justice

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Justice is regarded as the code of moral rightness and equality of humanity before the law without regard to race, creed, color, religious and political affiliation, and sex and gender. Justice is the most important determinant that enables human beings to coexist in peace and harmony. For justice to flourish there must be sets of laws and regulations that act as guiding principles among nations and communities. In justice, every individual citizen is accorded an equal share of rights that may either be natural or legal as by law established. Justice embodies various concepts according to many interpretations. Some prime concepts of justice include distributive justice, strict egalitarianism, libertarian principles, and feminist principles (Stanford, 2007).

It is reputedly assumed that in 431 BCE, Pericles, an Athenian general became the first to speak out aloud regarding equal justice in terms of settling private disputes. Incentives, resources, and legal ability could be determined as being part of equal justice (Rhode, 1997). For a long time, the use of the phrase “equal justice before the law” has been used as a reference to how the law encompasses every individual citizen of the United States. However, the phrase has been regarded as just as rhetoric with no legal recourse by some figures who are expert in the fields of law, ethics, and philosophy.

According to Hart (1974), social equity “denotes the spirit and habit of fairness, justness, and right dealing which would regulate the intercourse of men …the rule of doing to all others as we desire them to do to us”; or as it is expressed by Justinian, “to live honestly, to harm nobody, to render every man his due”. Social equity also implies the equal distribution of resources for all. Social equity ensures all people acquire equal share and strives to see everyone gets a fair share of equitable supplies. Examples of social inequity include unequal distribution of healthcare and disproportional welfare benefits to those who cannot afford to place food on their tables.

There are some features that may be detrimental to justice and social equity which if not overturned may cause myriads of damages to human coexistence and interdependency. Dwindling socioeconomic indicators emanating from poor distribution of resources, racial/ethnic imbalances, and gender inequalities pave the way for injustices and social inequities (Krieger, 2011). Heuristically, justice and social equity are two interrelated concepts in ethics and have been known to share common grounds. The term social justice denotes that justice must apply to all sectors of society. Social justice is against the idea of having one section of society enjoying the fruits of social justice and social equity while the rest suffer in silence without a representative voice and without legal representation.

References

Distributive Justice, Retrieved from http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/justice-distributive/#Scope

Hart, David K. (1974) Social Equity, Justice, and the Equitable Administrator, Public Administration Review, Vol. 34, No. 1 (Jan. - Feb., 1974), pp. 3-11

Thucydides, The History of the Peloponnesian War, Written 431 B.C.E, Translated by Richard Crawley (1874).

Rhode, Deborah, Equal Justice Under Law, Markkula Center for Applied Ethics, Santa Clara University, Retrieved from http://ww.scu.edu/ethics/publications/submitted/rhode/equal-justice.html

Krieger, Nancy (2011), Advice to the Next President, Harvard School of Public Health, Retrieved from http://www.hsph.harvard.edu/news/hphr/social-health-hazards/spr08dispkreiger/

Plagiarism and self-plagiarism

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Plagiarism is the act of deliberately stealing by way of copying either partially or wholesale previous academic work of another person without acknowledging its use. Plagiarism is considered an intellectual theft in the academic world and that students must shun it at all cost to avoid apprehension and dismissal from institutions of higher learning. Rewriting, copying, or pasting previous academic works of another person with the sole aim of claiming it, as fresh intellectual material, without signaling acknowledgement is an infringement and a violation of academic integrity according to accepted literary norms. Self-plagiarism is the act of surreptitiously or explicitly presenting previous scholarly work as proof of fresh ideas without acknowledging authorship and originality. However, there are circumstances that permit authors to avoid self-referencing previous works and that are when the work to be cited is small in context. According to APA (2010), extensive self-referencing must be commensurate with citations so as to avoid false impressions.

Even though the two paragraphs may not be entirely identical, what is clear is that the student in question has committed an act of plagiarism that could result his work being rejected as scholarly work. Using phrases like “ending a study too soon”, “negative results”, and copious words like “skimming”, “drawbacks”, and “buffing” is cause for scholarly exploitation. The clever student has been manipulative in that he carefully selected ideas that don’t belong to him. He used synonyms to hide the original author’s wordings. For example, he substituted “very difficult” for “hard to know”, “tainted by conflict of interest” for “tainted the results” and so on.

According to Renfrow, D. (2009), there are many ways of avoiding plagiarism. For example, it is important to adapt your own language rather than stealing the works of other academics word for word. The use of “cosmetics” as substitutes, applying alterations, and changing terminologies must be avoided at all cost. We can recognize plagiarism by comparing the document being plagiarized with what has been plagiarized.

References
American Psychological Association (2010), Washington, DC

Renfrow, D. (2009). Avoiding plagiarism, Retrieved from http://library.ucr.edu/?view=help/plagiarism2.html

Steroids in Sports

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Organizational culture can spearhead the creation of ethical policies in any organization as long as the top echelons of the said organization espouses higher standards of management and moral leadership skills. The same organization may as well find itself immersed in an unethical ocean of deceit and debauchery if those endowed with authority practice concepts that cause fragmentation, divide, and schisms. Organizations require optimism, courage, and fairness (Cooper, 2006) in all endeavors of strategic decision-making. A leader in an organization may find himself being controlled by culture instead of him or her controlling culture. There are various dimensions of culture, and because organizations have different cultures, no culture is better than another culture. To better understand culture and how best to transform it, strategic leaders will need to understand the dynamics of culture and comprehend what is to be discarded and what will need transformation in their spheres of influence.

Wide scale use of Steroids (synthetic drugs that mimic male testosterone) have become so common in American sports such that it is gaining momentum among many sportsmen who wish to boost their body metabolism and strengthen their hobby and sport integrity. As such, the rising use of steroids among sportsmen has resulted in increased consultations among sports leaders seeking social change for the afflicted sports industry. Identifying most important critical problems and finding remedies and viable solutions for those affected by steroid use has been some of the major challenges of the overall organizational culture of the sports industry that is known to advocate sobriety in all major sports leagues and challenges. With a zero tolerance policy for the use of performance enhancers among sportsmen, the sports industry has embarked on strategies that are meant to overcome such dismal conditions. The extensive use of steroids among America’s sports celebrities especially in baseball was documented by Dr. Sanjay Gupta in a past television series that attracted millions of viewers worldwide. Among sports celebrities to have appeared before congressional hearings include Pitcher Roger Clemens and former Yankees second baseman Chuck Knoblauch who has been quoted as saying, “I want baseball to be clean” (CBS, 2009). The forces that made players to be attracted to the use of anabolic steroids include insatiability, acquisitiveness, and self-interest related to winning a game or accumulating fame and wealth.

The prohibition of steroids use by top management necessitated the strengthening of the laws and regulations of an organization that was in drastic decline. If everyone in the organization could be held accountable or responsible for his or her conduct, we could have seen a rise in individual attributes, organizational structure, organizational culture, and societal expectations (Cooper, p.188). By identifying the ethical problem that is tarnishing the image of the industry, leaders will be able to describe the situation and define the ethical issue. Thereafter, leaders should be able to identify several alternatives that project probable consequences. Finally, they will have to select an alternative before coming to a state of resolution (Cooper, p. 30).

References
Cooper, Terry L. (2006), The Responsible Administrator: An Approach to Ethics for the Administrative Role, John Wiley & Sons, San Francisco, CA.

The Truth about Steroids in Sports, Retrieved from http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2008/02/03/sunday/main3783478.shtml

Quran Explorer

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Ramadaan Kariim, Ramadan Kareem

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Interview with Al Haji Muhumed Bulle: A Kenyan-Somali Environmentalist

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WardheerNews
June 24, 2011

Editor’s Note: In an interview with Kenyan-Somali educationist, veterinarian, agriculturalist, and environmentalist Al-Haji Muhumed Bulle, WardheerNews has the pleasure to share with its readers the environmental disasters that have become the hallmarks of the vast Somali-inhabited North Eastern Province of Kenya. For over three decades, Al-Haji Bulle has been involved in the preservation of this sparsely populated yet overused region. Mr. Bulle is a graduate student of Antioch University’s School of Environmental Management in Keene, New England. The interview uncovers the extent of environmental degradation in northeastern Kenya and the plight of its inhabitants.
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WDN: Welcome to WardheerNews and please give us a brief background information of yourself.

Muhumed Bulle (MB): I am a Kenyan born in Garissa. I have my training background in Veterinary, Agriculture, Education and also environment. I have worked in all this fields with government ministries as well as national and international organizations. Currently, I am pursuing a master of science in environment (sustainable development and climate change concentration), at Antioch University, New Hampshire, USA.

WDN: How would you describe the climate and the land of the Somali-inhabited region from the agricultural and forestry perspective?

MB: The land in question is no doubt denuded. This is due to many factors, including but not limited to the following: Population explosion (both humans and livestock), excess release of Carbon dioxide into the atmosphere, due to charcoal burning and overgrazing and ecosystem destruction. Most of the causes of these challenges are man-induced. Most of the suitable grazing lands are now trading centers leading to extinction of most wildlife species and ecosystem destruction. Also, influx of refugees has exacerbated the situation further. Below is a picture of Dadaab refugee camp and degraded land.

WDN: How has atmospheric pollution and changes in land use affected your area of influence?

MB: When land use changed from pastoral to sedentary the land carrying capacity was greatly reduced. The land that could support one animal unit per acre cannot support the same any more. Production and release of CO2 and damping of waste has lead to sporadic outbreaks of diseases that were otherwise unknown in the area like typhoid, cancer, and blood pressure. During the rainy season, malaria outbreaks are common due to excessive floods and lack of land cover (deforestation and land degradation).

WDN: One of the major environmental devastation in East Africa particularly Somalis is tree felling, and the burning of trees for charcoal consumption. Most urban households as well as rural dwellers use charcoal for everyday cooking. Could you tell us the extent of these issues?

MB: In a scale of 1 to 10, it is 7 and above. This is because the environment has been abused successively over the years. Over 80% of environmental degradation is manmade.

WDN: Deforestation exacerbates soil erosion and reduces rainfall availability. How serious is soil degradation in the Somali inhabited region?

MB: Deforestation and overgrazing of land has led to soils being exposed to wind erosion, runoff erosion and fertility loss. This has lead to low carrying capacity of the land and development of sand dunes. The issue is serious and requires an urgent attention.

WDN: Has the Kenyan government put in place alternative methods of cooking food or in other words is there any attempt to curtail the issues of tree felling and deforestation in the region?

MB: As you are aware the system of government in the country has failed everybody including the leaders themselves. That is why Kenya is being reborn now with the help of the international community. And now there is hope more than any other time before. So far there are no practical measures in place.

WDN: Due to the rise of fuel ( gas), there are reports indicating the pressure of wood fuel trade increasing, thus the major tree species used for wood fuel consumption the Acacia bussei is facing extinction, what can you tell us about the state of the acacia tree in North eastern Kenya?

MB: The Acacia species is all endangered particularly the Acacia tortilis.

WDN: How about overgrazing?

MB: Kenya has the highest population growth rate in the world and still remains unchecked. There is little land left for animals to graze. Very soon there will be no livestock left in the country and nomads will be forced by circumstance to abandon nomadic lifestyle.

WDN: Are there any reforestation projects and farmers educational programs such as agricultural extension services taking place in the region?

MB: There are good intensions in place that is always frustrated by bad governance.

WDN: Are you aware of any subsidies provided by the Kenya Government to farmers in the region?

MB: Yes, but to a small extent. Pastoralists are being encouraged to settle down and learn agro-pastoralism.

WDN: Are there water wars in areas dominated by Kenya-Somalis and what are the ramifications you have so far experienced during your career?

MB: In pastoral society, water and grazing rights wars are always there.

WDN: Which part of the Somali-inhabited region has been adversely affected by environmental degradation and what has the Kenya Government done to overcome such human made disasters?

MB: The most affected are the Lagdera/fafi region of Garissa District. As you are aware our brothers from Somalia destroyed their country, they are not all to blame though and because we were sharing the fruits when the country was there, we had to share the problems with them too and that is why we have the refugee camps in our midst. Now because of the high population of refugees, environmental degradation is highest here.

WDN: What are the main public policy challenges faced by the authorities in water stewardship and agricultural resources?

MB: Corruption and therefore lack of implementation of planned projects.

WDN: Education is critical to increasing the awareness of the locals on tree felling and other environmental issues, yet Kenyan-Somalis who are increasing in number as indicated by the recent census have no educational centers such as agricultural colleges. Why has the Kenya Government not established a college or university to serve Kenya-Somalis?

MB: These challenges are not limited to Somalis; they are members of the wider society called Kenyans. There is an agricultural training centre in Garissa, there is also the first Islamic University in Garissa. The same ones can be expanded to meet the educational needs of the residents. The local communities also have a wealth of indigenous knowledge on conservation which can be borrowed and enhanced once challenges on governance are addressed. Kenyans have high hopes on the county governments that are shaping up.

WDN: Thanks for sharing your time with our esteemed readers.

MB: Thank you and you are always welcome.
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Interview with Abdi Farah who is Contesting Dujis (Garissa) Constituency as a Member of Kenya Parliament

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WardheerNews
June 30, 2011

Editor’s Note: In our continued series of interviews with influential Kenya-Somalis, WardheerNews has learned of an important political contestant who is seeking to address the developmental retardation in Garissa County. In an interview covering political, social, and economic issues facing Dujis Constituency, parliamentary aspirant Abdi Farah exposes his vision to WDN readers and to his constituents. Mr. Abdi has vast proven record in government and in international organizations. Here is the comprehensive coverage WardheerNews had with Mr. Abdi Farah.
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WardheerNews (WDN): Mr. Abdi, to begin with, could you please tell us about your background?

Abdi Farah (AF): I come from Garissa town and schooled both primary and secondary at Garissa. I studied in India, Canada, and Kenya for post secondary education. I have work experience ranging from Government, Non-Governmental organization, quasi-governmental institutions and the private sector. I am a self-starter and motivated to improve the living conditions of the people in Garissa. I have no allegiance to the status quo and really coming with fresh ideas.

WDN: WardheerNews has learned that you are contesting Dujis Constituency. What motivated you to plunge into Kenya's political arena?

AF: I am contesting for Dujis constituency Parliamentary seat. This constituency has seen three elected representatives since independence. Each one of them has put in his time and effort to make a difference and they did in their own way. In my own way I think I have what it takes to make the next leap.

We need to have a strategy to address youth unemployment; we need to address cultural livelihood issues; we need to have a clear frame of mind on how to utilize the devolved funds; we need to discuss on how to benefit our communities on natural resources such as land, rivers, international boarders, and human capital.

All these will need leadership with a vision and ability to create an environment for sharing information. I think I can be that person for Dujis.

WDN: Tell us about the Dujis constituents that you would like to represent in parliament?

AF: Dujis has an area of about 4,000 square kilometers and is the host of the biggest city in the region. It is the most populated; it lies on the Tana River. It has 22% school enrollment, 7% dropout and ranks among the lowest rate in performance in the country. Girl child education is lower than the average. The poverty index is average in Kenyan terms and 40% live on less than a dollar a day. The rainfall pattern is erratic and insufficient.

Other parameters of development are also not amusing but the constituency has huge numbers of livestock population, arable and semi-arable, land and Permanent River.

WDN: According to recent Kenya census, the population of Kenya-Somali has grown exponentially. Do the number of elected officials who represent the Somali-inhabited region reflect the population size of Kenya-Somalis?

AF: Our problem in representation is not population. It is the vastness of the area that poses greater problem to representatives. This is because some of the constituencies are over 20,000 square kilometers and there are no road networks. Other infrastructures are non-existent and other means of communication are not there.

WDN: The Kenya constitution stipulates the creation of two houses of parliament i.e. a Lower House and Upper House. Which one are you contesting?

AF: We have the senate and the parliament. I am going for the parliament. It will have 350 members and I hope to be one of them.

WDN: Which political Party do you belong to?

AF: The political landscape in Kenya is ever changing. There are new alliances everyday and others going out of the map. I am on the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) side of the spectrum.

WDN: The constituency you are vying to represent has in the past suffered myriads of problems including mounting insecurity, abject poverty, limited resources, declining education, poor infrastructure, political obscurantism, insurmountable misappropriation of county treasury, and lastly but not least state oppression and marginalization. What grand scheme do you have in place to reverse these negative trends?

AF: Some of the issues are historical and as a result of poor governance. Some are as a result of poor planning and taking advantage of citizen’s ignorance on rights and responsibilities. Some are cultural and systemic. We need to view every issue with its perspective and under the microscope of change for the better.

WDN: Besides being arid, Dujis Constituency is suitable for agriculture since it is sustained by the meandering Tana River. However, the constituency has been beset by adverse environmental factors and ecological degradation. With allocation of sufficient funds and agricultural expertise, don't you think the suffering and appalling living conditions of the constituents can be alleviated through soil conservation, land consolidation, and strenuous agroforestry measures and other suitable techniques?

AF: Our people are pastoralist and have the knowledge or know-how to keep livestock. We have the land and the livestock itself. We have plenty of water from the river. Over the years the problem has been there was discordance between government policies and people's wishes. The policy was trying to turn herdsmen to farmers and put policies towards this.

This in my view is counterproductive and self-defeating. If we put resource to better the condition of our livestock so that they are disease-free and well fed throughout the year then we can compete in the international markets like Botswana and other livestock based economies in the world. This will be my focus so that our people can be allowed and assisted for them to do what they can do best.

WDN: Statistics indicate that Garissa County has the highest concentration of livestock in east and central Africa yet little revenue is generated from livestock marketing sales to revive the county. Do you have any answer to the causes of this pathetic economic drain?

AF: It is true our livestock population has little value to sustain our economic power base. First of all this is because the government has no input into the production of the livestock. The local authorities just go to the market to milk the local farmer without any input. This is an industry that can sustain the nation if managed properly.

I will, in this regard, allocate specific resource to both stimulate production as well as marketing and market environment. I believe this will be attainable within the first five years.

WDN: Tell us how you are different from current and past legislatures when it comes to overturning the decline visible in your constituency?

AF: In the past resource mobilization was donor or Government dependent. I will endeavor to raise resource locally, nationally, and internationally. In the past, resource allocation was done without a laid strategy or agreed upon plan. The allocation will be broad based and with priorities set by the community. In the past, resource utilization was geared towards self-interest, individual favors, and lacked transparency. It will be my duty to make sure resource is utilized efficiently.

WDN: Dujis constituency has the hallmarks of inter-tribal rivalry and blood feuds. What measures do you have in place to prevent such incidents from happening again in the future?

AF: This is true but in a small scale. Such conflicts are as a result of poor governance and lack of equity in the distribution of resources. I will establish constituency committee in clan relations and will monitor resource distribution so there is transparency and equity in all community projects. This will avoid frustration that can lead to violence and groupings.

WDN: The absence of visible infrastructure and industrialization may be blamed for the massive unemployment in your constituency. Could you tell our esteemed readers if you have any manifested plans for resolving this negative scenario.

AF: Unemployment is real in our area, but again is self made or rather a state of mind. For example, there are over 100,000 men and women who come to the region from only lower eastern province for jobs and close to 30% of these are in Dujis constituency yet our youth are unemployed. People are mostly employed by the private sector and if the government wants to create jobs the direction is to commission massive projects.

If the youth don’t want to work at the construction industry, if they don’t want to work at the farming industry, if they will not work at the manufacturing industry then there is a problem.

We need to educate our youth both those who went to school and those who did not that if they are willing to work hard for a whole day it is ok to make cement blocks or water flowers. We need to empower them with the skills of modern workforce and organize them accordingly. We need to give them support both financial and technical for them to move forward. Once we have made this shift then we can create jobs.

WDN: Women, children, and minorities have been neglected for a long time due to the lack of state subsidies that could be used to elevate their living standards. Compared to other regions of Kenya, child mortality rates in your constituency display grim statistics. Do you have a feasible action plan to resuscitate this marginalized group within the society you plan to represent? If so, how will you implement it?

AF: Improving the demographic health status of a community is multi-dimensional. It could be health related or other social determinants of health. At present, our main challenge in the provision of healthcare is getting service providers. There are many facilities; the government has put effort in availing necessary equipment and drugs. Where we have major problem is the staffing of the facilities and public education on the utilization of available services.

We will improve this by putting resource into the existing medical training college so that the enrollment includes many cadres and there is deliberate bias towards locals to boost the numbers very fast. It will also be prudent to recruit students right from the schools so that we have targeted numbers over a period of time.

WDN: Lamenting on the poor educational standards of Kenya-Somalis, one Kenyan president was quoted as saying in Kiswahili: “elimu ya Msomali haipiti form four”. This statement simply translates to “a Somali's education terminates in the fourth form (twelfth grade in high school)”. It is a statement that seems to hold water because your constituency lags behind other regions in higher education. Due to government neglect and widespread malfeasance, the yearly quota system allocated to your constituency is not commensurate with the explosive population of high school graduates. Tell us how you plan to create an institution of higher learning and the projected impact it will have on your constituents who lack equal employment opportunities.

AF: We do have institutions of higher learning and middle level colleges in Garissa. There is the teachers college, the medical training center, The NEP technical college, NEP college of Health Sciences, and Umul-Qura Islamic University. In addition, the University of Nairobi, Moi University, and Kenyatta University have affiliate colleges in Garissa. There is also the proposed NEP university college which has been budgeted for but has not started functions.

The point is, getting admission to higher education is not a major problem but the handicap is lack of resource to assure continuity to the young man and young woman. Our community even those who are blessed with riches, education is not a priority. I intend to create a scholarship fund that can be accessed by all students and ensure all graduates of high school are able to go to the institutions of their choice and develop a career of their choice.

WDN: Issuance of national identity cards to Kenya-Somalis has long been a burning issue in all sectors of society. Prevalence of graft in the office having jurisdiction over the processing of ID cards has left many Kenya-Somalis in a state of deprivation and statelessness. Recently, the Kenya Government announced that two million ID cards will be distributed to eligible Kenyans of legal age. If elected, how will you influence the Kenya government to preserve the inalienable rights of Kenya-Somalis as regards national identity?

AF: This is an issue that touches many hearts and souls and is an issue that has far reaching impact than the eye can see. I believe that ID as it is used today is a colonial hangover that needs to be eliminated totally. It is an entry point of all corrupt deals whether from a chief, a vetting committee, the police or even the registration officers. It merits no significance since it is not tied to any social benefit. It is an immigration document that has for long time become a police tool. The rules of getting one are based on discrimination and lacks clear guidance.

Despite all this, it is mandatory for all Kenyans over the age of 18 years to have one. Ordinarily, a citizen should just walk into an office and declare his/her age, fill a form and just get it or be told on when to come for it. At present there is a vetting committee and the requirements change from region to region. The issuance and availability of the registration team is also controlled and very slow in going to certain areas. I will lobby for a change in the system. I will agitate for equity and equality. I will advocate for law, order, justice and respect for the rights of individual citizen. Above all, I will stand for the rights of the people of Garissa.

WDN: Thanks for sharing your time with our esteemed readers.

AF: Thank you for providing me the opportunity to share my plan for Dujis Constituency

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An Interview with Major Gen. Ahmed Sheikh Farah of the Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC) of Kenya

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Editor's Note: WardheerNews has the pleasure to present an interview with Major General Ahmed Sheikh Farah of the Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC) of Kenya. The focus of the interview centers around past injustices and gross human rights violations committed against Kenya-Somalis and other Kenyans. The commission formed to carryout investigations on the human rights violations, covers the period after independence, from December 12, 1963 to February 28, 2008.

The 2007 disputed election between the current Prime Minister, Raila Odinga, and President Mwai Kibaki left thousands of civilians dead and over 650,000 displaced. Important historical aspects covered in this interview include the infamous Wagalla Massacre of 1984, where the Kenya Army gunned down a large number of defenseless Kenya-Somalis. The decorated and outspoken Major General is a veteran naval officer and former Kenyan naval commander and Chief of Operations, Dept of Defense. The interview is insightful, and informative.
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WardheerNews (WDN): Could you please give us some background information on the reasons behind the creation of the Kenya Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC).

Major Gen. Ahmed Sh. Farah (Gen. Farah): The Truth and Reconciliation Commissions (TJRCs) were created for countries which emerged from civil wars or from dictatorships where there have been history of gross human right violations. In the world, TJRCs were held in the following countries: Chile, Peru, Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone and South Africa to mention but a few. In Kenya, fifteen (15) years of Kenyatta reign and twenty four years (24) of Moi regime saw violations of human rights on a grand scale. In the elections of 2002, the people of Kenya put aside their tribal differences and elected overwhelmingly the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) party and Mwai Kibaki the leader as President. The people of Kenya were at that time described as the most hopeful people in the world.

The NARC government constituted a commission under the Chairmanship of a Kenyan, Professor Makau Mutua, Dean of the Faculty of Law in New York University to collect views of the Kenyan Public whether the country needs a Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission to reconcile and heal the nation. 85% of Kenyans said yes but, as all this happened in 2004, the TJRC was not formed because of the political parties’ standoff in the writing of the new constitution. The referendum on the constitution writing in 2005 and the rejection of the government proposed constitution made matters worse, hence there was no political will to create the TJRC. The bungled elections of 2007 where the people of Kenya fought one another leading to the unfortunate death of 1,300 innocent civilians and the subsequent displacement of 650,000 people (IDPs) followed by the Eminent African Leaders Mediation between the two competing parties led to the formation of a coalition government and signing of the Reconciliation Accord.

The formation of the TJRC was agreed upon at the signing of the accord in 2008. Hence TJRC was formed in July 2009. The Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission is mandated to inquire into gross human rights violations and other historical injustices in Kenya between December 12, 1963 and 28 February 2008. The TJRC is part of the accountability component of Agenda Four of the National Accord that ended post election violence in Kenya. By addressing the cause and effects of historical injustices and gross violations of human rights, the TJRC will contribute towards national unity reconciliation and healing.


WDN: The Commission comprises of nine members. How did the selection of the officials happen and what were the determining factors?

Gen. Farah: The TJRC Act of 2008, section 10 states that the commission shall consist of nine (9) commissioners’ three (3) of whom shall be non-citizens, one of them being the opposite gender, selected by a panel of civic society and stakeholders of transactional justice. The positions of the six (6) Kenyans were publicly advertised with the required qualifications clearly outlined and are stipulated in the TJRC Act section nine (9). Twelve (12) applicants out of three hundred (300) applicants were shortlisted and the interviews were carried out by the panel representing the key stakeholders including civil society. Nine (9) names were then selected by Parliament and presented to the President. The President selected six (6) and chose one among them to be the Chair. Three of the six Kenyan Commissioners were to be of the opposite gender. The Commissioners elected the Vice-Chair who had to be the opposite gender to the chair.

WDN: Is the Commission independent from the Kenya Government’s influence?

Gen. Farah: It is stipulated in the Commissions Act section 7 that the Commission shall have all the powers necessary for the execution of its functions under the Act and shall not be subject to the direction or control of any other person or authority. The Act further states in section 21(1) that in the performance of its functions under the Act the Commission shall not be subject to the control or direction of any person or authority. That is how the Commission is really independent.

WDN: To investigate human rights violations in an African or in a nascent democracy is a daunting task, particularly when investigating in a wide time range such as from 1963 to 2008. How much cooperation or access do you get from Kenyan Government?

Gen. Farah: Information is accessible for the Commission including reports of previous commissions of inquiry as well as vital state information which is either available from the National Archives or from the records of the various Ministries and Government bodies.

Information in areas relevant to the TJRC’s mandate has so far been made available to us or we obtained it through our research and investigation departments. The commission has the power to gather, by any means it deems appropriate, any information it considers relevant from any source including government authorities and to compel the production of such information as and when necessary as outlined in TJRC section 7 of 2008 Act.

WDN: What are the challenges and accomplishments the Commission faced so far?

Gen. Farah: Major challenges to the commission include: inadequate funding and controversy surrounding the credibility of the Chairperson Ambassador Bethuel Kiplagat as well as opposition from some civil society organization over the same. Funding has since been streamlined and the Chairperson stepped aside to enable tribunal investigations of credibility issues and civil society engaging and supporting TJRC. In regard to achievements, 304 statement takers were deployed countrywide. The commission received 30,000 statements from individuals; the highest for any truth commission. Likewise, the commission received 300 memorandums from various groups countrywide. Hearings have been held in Northern Kenya and Mt. Elgon. The hearings were both public and in camera sections for women. TJRC is an engendered commission at the commissioner and secretariat levels. The Secretariat headed by a CEO with 7 Directors for investigation, Research, Administration and Finance, Communication, Civic Education and Special Support (to ensure women and minorities issues are not overlooked). Women, minorities, the disabled and even victims are well represented in the structure of the commission.

WDN: What can you tell us about Wagalla Massacre that took place on Feb. 10, 1984 where it is reported over 5000 Somali Kenyans were killed by the Kenya Army?

Gen. Farah: In the latter half of 1983 and early 1984 there were a lot of banditry, cattle rustling and clan animosities in Northern Kenya. A lot of small arms influx from the 1977/78 Somalia-Ethiopian War was finding its way into the Province for over four to five years. In Wajir, the Degodia and Ajuran sub-clans were fighting over resources, pasture land and water. Besides, there was a prolonged drought in 1983/1984. In November 1983, the Degodias killed a number of Ajuran men and women. On 8th February 1984 the Kenyan Intelligence Committee, the Provincial Security Committee and the Wajir District Committee met in Wajir and authorized the Degodia to be disarmed. The operation was carried out by rounding up all male adult Degodia men from the whole District and assembled them at Wagalla Airstrip. This was done on 10th February, 1984. Thousands of men were held at the Airstrip for four days i.e. 10-13 Feb 1984 without water or food. A lot of men died of thirst, others of heat stroke and others of bullet fire as they tried to run away. The Kenya Government claims only 57 men died while other sources claim 5000; however we managed to establish 381 authentic deaths.


WDN: What was the mood of Kenya-Somalis at the time?

Gen. Farah: Helpless, subdued, marginalized, and brutalized and they felt as if they were being ruled by powerful people who hated them.

WDN: The Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission has recently held hearings in Wajir while the survivors of the massacre gave testimony on the horrific events at Wagalla, knowing that investigations are still ongoing. What can you tell us about those hearings?

Gen. Farah: The TJRC recently held hearings in Northern Kenya i.e. Garissa, Wajir, Mandera, Moyale, Marsabit and Isiolo formerly known as Northern Frontier Districts (NFD). Massacres, extra judicial killings, rape, abduction, torture and other gross human rights violations occurred in all of them. The hearings for the people responsible for these atrocities will be held in early June. This is ongoing and I cannot say much on this matter until concluded in the future.

WDN: It was reported that Benson Kaaria, the former Provincial Commissioner of North Eastern Province was not present at the hearings. Does your commission have the jurisdiction to force those who were involved and whom the Commission deems necessary to question at the Commission inquiries?

Gen. Farah: Benson Kaaria as well as those other officials who were adversely mentioned as perpetrators have been summoned and will appear before the Commission first week of June. It is an ongoing process and I cannot comment or predict the outcome.

WDN: What are the processes by which the Commission may recommend amnesty or prosecution or in other words would Mr. Benson Kaaria and others that were involved in the massacre ever face justice if proven crimes were committed at Wagalla against ethnic Somalis?

Gen. Farah: I know you are concentrating on Wagalla alone but a lot of atrocities were committed by Government officials on behalf of the state on innocent citizens countrywide. The Commission will certainly recommend prosecution for those who will be found culpable. There will not be any amnesty for those who committed gross human rights violation. The Act forbids this. However, there are others who were responsible for other human right violations, and are willing to spill the beans and tell it all and are remorseful. Then the amnesty sub-committee of the Commission will consider and may recommend amnesty under certain conditions e.g. corruption cases where the perpetrators admit to tell it all and are willing to return all or portion of the looted money or property. Such cases are provided in the act to be considered by the commission.

WDN: If you were to contrast, the Kenyan-Somali of the eighties with the present day Somali Kenyans, is there any progress in the form of representation in government?

Gen. Farah: Absolutely. The Somali Kenyan representation in Government is very good now. Nothing compared to the 1980’s. Those were bad years unlike now.That is why the TJRC process has been accepted by the people of the Northern Region in order to bury the past and heal the people as we enter a new era of devolution of government and new constitutional order with satisfactory bill of rights.

WDN: Thank you Gen. Farah for giving us this opportunity to have this interview with you.

Gen. Farah: You are well come and thank you for giving me the platform to highlight the work of the Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC) of Kenya.

Interview with Ali Bunow Korane who is Vying for the Governorship of Garissa County, North Eastern Province, Kenya

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Editor's Note: With the promulgation of a new constitution for the Republic of Kenya, the political landscape of North Eastern Province, a region dominated by Kenya-Somalis, is about to change. What was once Garissa District has now become Garissa County. Among the political aspirants for the position of Governorship is Mr. Ali Bunow Korane, a figure who is well revered in the region. WardheerNews had the pleasure to interview Mr. Korane himself.

Wardheernews (WDN): Mr. Korane, can you briefly tell us about your background?

Ali Bunow Korane (ABK): I am a son of Garissa County with 25 years government experience at administrative, policy, and security management levels. I have various certificates, Diplomas, three academic degrees; one Bachelor and two Masters and currently pursuing a Masters in Business Administration (MBA).

WDN: Could you please give us specific information on the circumstances that led you to run for the position of governor for Garissa County?

ABK: The concept of a devolved government is a new one mooted under the recently promulgated constitution. The setting up of a government at the county level will face a number of challenges. While the challenges to be faced by the counties are common for all the 47 counties nationwide, the pastoralist counties of which Garissa is one will face tremendous challenges. Among these are:

The counties are already victims of low intensity wars over resources and these will be exacerbated by the new contest for positions and resources allocation.
Clan structures and family allegiance have overtime emerged as the strongest basis for political mobilization. The resultant stiff competition for positions and resources will likely further marginalize minority clans and others often classified as peripheral and corner tribes groupings.
Weak and ineffective institutional capacity, the low levels of education and the migration of the professional class to Nairobi has left the local leadership in the hands of semi-literate mediocre individuals.
Poor infrastructure, large land mass, environmental degradation and clan settlement patterns will generally pose serious challenges thus compromising the process of political mobilization.
To address these challenges I believe requires a leadership with the requisite experience in government, management and above all a clear understanding of the people and their aspiration. After careful reflection I have concluded I am the right person for the challenging governor’s job.

WDN: In the past, district leadership was based on nomination by the decree of the president, recently that system has changed. What can you tell us about the current system of electing the governor?

ABK: The Governor under the new constitution will be elected by the whole of Garissa County as a single constituency. Once elected he/she will be the executive, administrative, and political head of the county government. He/she will be assisted by a County Executive Committee (cabinet) appointed by him/her and approved by an elected county assembly. The county government will be independent in its operations and will not be subordinate to the National government.

WDN: How many candidates are currently listed to run for the post, and do they represent various parties or they are independent?

ABK: Although there are three individuals who have so far indicated interest in the seat, this is not entirely indicative of the final number of candidates when election comes next year. Candidates can run as party members or as independents.

WDN: What is your political party?

ABK: I am in the party of National unity which is a coalition of many parties. It is likely that this party will transform into another alliance of parties closer to election.

WDN: Kenya is considered one of Africa's largest economy and East Africa's economic powerhouse, yet the Somali inhabited region is lagging behind the rest of the country. What do you think are causes of the lack of progress and development in Kenya's North Eastern province?

ABK: North Eastern Kenya has had a sad history of marginalization in both pre and post independence periods of Kenya’s history. This is due to a combination of factors including oppressive government policies; poor leadership, environmental factors and perennial low intensity inter clan resource conflicts, among others.

WDN: Why is it that the concerns and interests of the Ethnic Somalis were not voiced, particularly when there are many Kenya-Somalis in the high ranks of government?

ABK: Somalis have occupied two levels of senior positions in the Kenya Government. These were at political and civil service levels. At the civil service levels they were policy implementers mainly serving other Kenyans in parts outside North Eastern Kenya. It was the responsibility of elected political leaders to influence government policy towards the Somalis. Unfortunately they failed to deliver on this score.

WDN: If you were to be elected governor, how are you going to enhance the growth of the county notably by eradicating extreme poverty and hunger and educating the mass, combating diseases and violation of human rights, developmental and self-sufficiency programs?

ABK: The social situation in the county is very grave on any measure of human development. The extreme poverty level, currently estimated at 71% of the population negatively affects every aspect of life. There have also been large scale human rights abuses by the security forces over the years. I am determined to make my contribution in reversing the suffering of our people.

WDN: How will you create peace and harmony and advance inter-county partnership among people who have been separated by self-interest politics ever since independence and the sweeping martial law?

ABK: Without peace and inter clan harmony there can be no meaningful development in the county. The source of conflict is two fold: Politics and environmental. Also, we see conflicts created by political incitement and those created by competition for scarce resources. I will deal ruthlessly with any opportunistic political inciters and introduce measures to mitigate against environmental factors.

WDN: What commitments will you make to save women and children and the environment of the county you are vying for?

ABK: In any hardship social situation, the greatest suffering goes to the women and children. In our county the effects of extreme poverty, poor access to education and health and conflicts have been felt most by our women and children. My heart bleeds for them and I am determined to improve their situation if elected.

WDN: How will you empower young professionals who completed high schools and colleges to either get jobs or advance their education?

ABK: Since independence our region was left behind in education. Fortunately, our people have now appreciated the value of education and are making efforts to educate their children under difficult circumstances. Unfortunately these positive efforts have coincided with times of serious unemployment. I will endeavor to support the efforts of the parents by introducing generous bursaries, sponsorships, and employment creation initiatives.

WDN: Recent Kenya census indicated growth of ethnic Somalis, yet Garissa which is among the biggest cities in Kenya and the largest in the Somali inhabited region does not have a university. To expand the opportunity of higher education, does your plan include establishing the first university in North Eastern Kenya? Or in other words, why has a university with remarkable faculties not been established in North Eastern Kenya?

ABK: The failure to establish a fully fledged university in North Eastern is part of the many policy failures, neglect, and marginalization by successive Kenya governments. As governor I am determined to reverse this policy. I have in the past immensely contributed to the development of education in the county. I spearheaded the establishment of public secondary schools, established the first private elementary school in the county, recently opened the first private girl’s high school and intend to build a boys high school and a college this year. With this firm foundation in education, I am determined to establish the first public university in Garissa county.

WDN: Good luck Mr. Ali Buno Korane in your political endeavors and thanks for giving WDN your precious time.

ABK: Thanks WDN for giving me the time to share with you my views and ideas.

WardheerNews
Send comments to: admin@wardheernews.com

Kenya’s Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission: A Political Gimmick or a Plausible Undertaking?

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For a period close to a century, Kenya’s North Eastern and Eastern Provinces hereafter referred to as NEP and EP remained volatile, underdeveloped, and deliberately isolated by successive Kenya administrations. For years, residents of these two vast, sparsely populated regions inhabited by Hamito-Cushitic nomads have been subjected to years of extrajudicial killings, summary and arbitrary executions, torture, rape and violence against women, plunder and livestock confiscations by Kenya’s dreaded security operatives with instructions from the central headquarters in Nairobi. Yet, these calculated and disturbing ethnic cleansings failed to grab the attention of the international community despite a few concerned media outlets publicizing repeatedly for years the callous practices of the Kenya government.

Kenya-Somalis and their cousins of like-semblance have been living under the reign of terror since Kenya’s attainment of independence from Britain in 1963 and yet not a single universal sovereign entity dared come to their rescue or raised objections at these appalling and aggravating military adventures. Kenya’s inhuman and reprehensible acts against its innocent, peace loving citizens continued unabated even with the knowledge of the Organization of African Union, (currently the African Union) based in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia - Kenya’s next door neighbor. “The brutality of the implementation of emergency powers in the North Eastern Province; and the discriminatory "screening" of ethnic Somalis” has been documented by Amnesty International. (1)

The crux of past massacres in the region has colonial roots. NEP and EP were formerly Somali territories as they fell under the Northern Frontier District (NFD) during British colonial rule. The region was split into two after Kenya became independent with Moyale, Marsabit, and Isiolo becoming part of Eastern Province. Despite majority of NFD residents opting for unification with Somalia in a referendum, the colonial administration ruled in favor of Kenya. British colonial government’s refusal to grant self-determination to NFD resulted from its fear of neighboring Italian Somaliland. Italy, a colonial power with irredentist tendencies was an avowed enemy of the British realm. This political miscalculation by the British crown resulted in prolonged simmering border clashes and the birth of the destructive Shifta war. The devastating Bale Revolt of 1963 in Ethiopia culminated in the signing of a Mutual Defense Treaty between Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya and Haile Selassie of Ethiopia in 1964. Regarding Somali irredentism, Lord Earl Lytton of the British monarchy of the time, had this to say about Greater Somalia:

“The idea of a Greater Somalia has been put forward by four eminent people at various times. First, there was Sir Charles Elliot, one of our greatest administrators in Kenya, about 1904. Then there was Mohammed Abdilla Hassan, commonly known as "The Mad Mullah", between 1899 and 1920. He is one of the greatest of the Somali poets. Then, the idea has been put forward by the Emperor of Ethiopia on a number of occasions, always with the intention of incorporating the entire Horn of Africa within the Ethiopian Empire. Finally, there was Mr. Ernest Bevin in 1946, and what he said is on record in Hansard.” (2)

Though preceded by many human rights violations spanning many decades, the worst and most brutal skirmishes perpetrated by the military and police of post-independence Kenya in the region’s history occurred during the reigns of autocrats Mzee Jomo Kenyatta (1963-1978) and Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi (1978-2002) respectively. Moi who belongs to the Kalenjin tribe and Nilotic according to categorization of African tribes by colonial Anthropologists was vice-president at the time of Kenyatta’s death. Despite opposition from influential Kikuyu leaders generally known as ‘Kiambu Mafia’ and who were of the same tribe with the deceased president, Moi ascended the presidency immediately with little internal resistance.

Forty-eight years later, President Mwai Kibaki, a man who was vice-president and minister on various occasions when these atrocities occurred, endorsed the formation of a Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission to divulge into the extent of enormities of past acts of violence committed against the people of the said region. Surviving families whose loved ones perished in the calculated, remorseless security skirmishes continue to pour into avenues reserved for a commission on a fact-finding mission. At first, Kenya-Somalis became skeptical of the make-up of the commission after realizing the presence of Bethuel Kiplagat who is perceived to have blood-stained hands and implicated in the masterminding of past massacres. The commission, drawn from cadres having differing professions even includes a high profile Somali, Major General Ahmed Sheikh Farah, a retired Kenya Navy Commander. They have so far traversed the province beginning their initial assignment in Garissa, a city that has suffered the brunt of Kenya’s premeditated repression. They have been listening to and documenting testimonies from various sectors of the Somali community.

NFD as a region predates Kenya’s colonial history. However, demarcation of the international boundary between colonial Kenya and Abyssinia (Ethiopia) was completed in 1903. In 1925-1926, after Jubaland was transferred to Italian Somaliland, border marking was finalized between colonial Kenya and Italy. (3)

With living conditions dictated by weather patterns, pastoral nomads from NFD and elsewhere in the Horn of Africa travelled between unsecured borders in search of pasture for their livestock. Apart from the search for greener pasture, it is these unrestricted travels and peripatetic lifestyles that rejuvenated the ungovernable male Bedouins’ search for brides and bridal paraphernalia, saints and saintly practices, war implements and other valuable provisions.

The region’s fight for separation from Kenya kicked-off before Kenya proclaimed independence. Freedom fighters and founders of the Northern Province People’s Progressive Party (NPPP), the main party that represented the region’s political aspirations, hailed from a variety of tribes. Among them was Alex Kholkholle, a man who was held in high esteem by the colonial administration and the Somalis themselves. A Rendille by tribe and teacher by training, Alex, who was the Vice-President of NPPP favored separation from Kenya and unconditional union with Somalia. The Borana (also referred to as Galla), a tribal group that populates Moyale and Marsabit towns respectively, fielded the indomitable Wako Hapi, doyen of separatism and armed struggle. While Kenya security forces restrained the Shifta uprising from spilling into its border, Ethiopia, on the other hand, had a stranglehold on natives spanning its border. To have a glimpse of Ethiopia’s past imperialist goals toward its own people, one needs to read the views of the honorable British Lord uttered in 1963 in the following lines:

“Ethiopia, within to-day's political boundaries, is, in a small part, the ancient Abyssinian Kingdoms of history, and, in a much larger part, the colonies conquered by the Emperor Melinek II, who was more or less a contemporary of Gladstone. The colonies are approximately the same age as our own. They are Somali and Galla. The only difference is that whereas we label our places as "colonies", the Ethiopians have described them as one Ethiopian people, and from time to time they say they are historically part of Ethiopia. That is not true.” (4)

President Mwai Kibaki selected Bethuel Kiplagat to head the commission in 2009. However, Kiplagat was forced to resign in November 2010 after Kenyan’s of all walks of life decried his past inhuman practices. In a letter to Justice Minister Mutula Kilonzo, the nine commissioners of the TJ&RC, citing powers conferred on them by the Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Act, asked for the removal of Kiplagat as chairman of the commission. He was subsequently replaced by Tecla Namachanja as acting chairperson. Factors that led to Kiplagat’s expulsion from the commission include illegal or irregular acquisition of land; the assassination of the Honorable Robert Ouko, and the Wagalla Massacre." (5) Because he was ruined by the same injustices he was supposed to investigate, Kiplagat issued a short statement that read in part: "In order to allow the tribunal to carry out its mandate, I am, therefore, as of today, stepping aside from my day to day responsibilities at the TJRC." (6)

Kiplagat, a born-again Christian and former deputy general secretary of the National Council of Churches of Kenya, is accused of having been party to atrocities in Isiolo, Wajir, Malka Mari, and Garissa when he was in charge of security operations. The Wagalla massacre of 1984 happened during his tenure of office. Ironically, Kiplagat was Kenya's envoy to Somalia during Somalia's turbulent years (2003-05) until he was relieved by Ambassador Mohamed Affey, a Kenyan-Somali parliamentarian. I wonder how this man's heinous crimes escaped the attention of the Somali people all those years. Those critical of Moi’s autocratic rule implicate Kiplagat in the gruesome murder of Robert Ouko, Kenya’s Minister for Foreign Affairs, at the foot of Got Alila Hill near his country home in Nyanza Province bordering Lake Victoria. Likewise, his critics raise questions regarding his past relations with British business magnate Tiny Rowland and his Lornho conglomerate, and also his association with Mozambican rebels, Renamo. (7)

Benson Kaaria, a man with no apology for past injustices in the region he commanded was the Provincial Commissioner (PC) for North Eastern Province during the Wagalla Massacre of 1984. All those officials who had a grip on the running of the province and who have been implicated in the horrible incidents meted on the poor, unarmed civilians of North Eastern and Eastern Provinces have distanced themselves from any wrongdoing. In the past, commissions after commissions evolved with government blessings. In the end, it was the commissioners who proudly walked to the banks with bursts of laughter without any sorts of resolutions to the issues investigated. I don’t see any sense in the existence of the Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission currently in full swing.

Adan Makina
WardheerNews, Kansas City
E-Mail: Adan.makina@gmail.com

References

(1) Kenya: Taking Liberties, Yale University Press, 1991, p.269.

(2) Northern Frontier District of Kenya, HL Deb 03 April 1963 vol. 248 cc600-36, Retrieved June 15, 2011 from http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/lords/1963/apr/03/northern-frontier-district-of-kenya.

(3) Gufu Oba, Professor, Noragric, Department of International Environment and Development Studies, The Norwegian University of Life Sciences PO Box 5003, N-1432 Ås, Norway. Ethnic Conflicts on Ethiopia-Kenya Frontier: The Northern Frontier District of Kenya from 1903-1934, a draft Paper prepared for PRIO Seminar on NORKLIMA Project, Noragric.

(4) Presentation of Earl Lytton before the British Parliament on 03 April 1963. Further readings available from http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/lords/1963/apr/03/northern-frontier-district-of-kenya, Retrieved June 15, 2011.

(5) Kenya: Truth Team Wants Kiplagat Out, Retrieved June 15, 2011 from http://allafrica.com/stories/201004130975.html

(6) Ex-diplomat, church official, resigns as head of Kenya truth body by Fred Nzwili, Retrieved June 15, 2011 from http://www.christiancentury.org/article/2010-11/ex-diplomat-church-official-resigns-head-kenya-truth-body.

(7) Bethuel Kiplagat: Former Chairman of Kenya's Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission, Retrieved June 15, 2011from http://www.africa-confidential.com/whos-who-profile/id/360/Bethuel-Kiplagat.

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