Interview with Abdi Farah who is Contesting Dujis (Garissa) Constituency as a Member of Kenya Parliament

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WardheerNews
June 30, 2011

Editor’s Note: In our continued series of interviews with influential Kenya-Somalis, WardheerNews has learned of an important political contestant who is seeking to address the developmental retardation in Garissa County. In an interview covering political, social, and economic issues facing Dujis Constituency, parliamentary aspirant Abdi Farah exposes his vision to WDN readers and to his constituents. Mr. Abdi has vast proven record in government and in international organizations. Here is the comprehensive coverage WardheerNews had with Mr. Abdi Farah.
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WardheerNews (WDN): Mr. Abdi, to begin with, could you please tell us about your background?

Abdi Farah (AF): I come from Garissa town and schooled both primary and secondary at Garissa. I studied in India, Canada, and Kenya for post secondary education. I have work experience ranging from Government, Non-Governmental organization, quasi-governmental institutions and the private sector. I am a self-starter and motivated to improve the living conditions of the people in Garissa. I have no allegiance to the status quo and really coming with fresh ideas.

WDN: WardheerNews has learned that you are contesting Dujis Constituency. What motivated you to plunge into Kenya's political arena?

AF: I am contesting for Dujis constituency Parliamentary seat. This constituency has seen three elected representatives since independence. Each one of them has put in his time and effort to make a difference and they did in their own way. In my own way I think I have what it takes to make the next leap.

We need to have a strategy to address youth unemployment; we need to address cultural livelihood issues; we need to have a clear frame of mind on how to utilize the devolved funds; we need to discuss on how to benefit our communities on natural resources such as land, rivers, international boarders, and human capital.

All these will need leadership with a vision and ability to create an environment for sharing information. I think I can be that person for Dujis.

WDN: Tell us about the Dujis constituents that you would like to represent in parliament?

AF: Dujis has an area of about 4,000 square kilometers and is the host of the biggest city in the region. It is the most populated; it lies on the Tana River. It has 22% school enrollment, 7% dropout and ranks among the lowest rate in performance in the country. Girl child education is lower than the average. The poverty index is average in Kenyan terms and 40% live on less than a dollar a day. The rainfall pattern is erratic and insufficient.

Other parameters of development are also not amusing but the constituency has huge numbers of livestock population, arable and semi-arable, land and Permanent River.

WDN: According to recent Kenya census, the population of Kenya-Somali has grown exponentially. Do the number of elected officials who represent the Somali-inhabited region reflect the population size of Kenya-Somalis?

AF: Our problem in representation is not population. It is the vastness of the area that poses greater problem to representatives. This is because some of the constituencies are over 20,000 square kilometers and there are no road networks. Other infrastructures are non-existent and other means of communication are not there.

WDN: The Kenya constitution stipulates the creation of two houses of parliament i.e. a Lower House and Upper House. Which one are you contesting?

AF: We have the senate and the parliament. I am going for the parliament. It will have 350 members and I hope to be one of them.

WDN: Which political Party do you belong to?

AF: The political landscape in Kenya is ever changing. There are new alliances everyday and others going out of the map. I am on the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) side of the spectrum.

WDN: The constituency you are vying to represent has in the past suffered myriads of problems including mounting insecurity, abject poverty, limited resources, declining education, poor infrastructure, political obscurantism, insurmountable misappropriation of county treasury, and lastly but not least state oppression and marginalization. What grand scheme do you have in place to reverse these negative trends?

AF: Some of the issues are historical and as a result of poor governance. Some are as a result of poor planning and taking advantage of citizen’s ignorance on rights and responsibilities. Some are cultural and systemic. We need to view every issue with its perspective and under the microscope of change for the better.

WDN: Besides being arid, Dujis Constituency is suitable for agriculture since it is sustained by the meandering Tana River. However, the constituency has been beset by adverse environmental factors and ecological degradation. With allocation of sufficient funds and agricultural expertise, don't you think the suffering and appalling living conditions of the constituents can be alleviated through soil conservation, land consolidation, and strenuous agroforestry measures and other suitable techniques?

AF: Our people are pastoralist and have the knowledge or know-how to keep livestock. We have the land and the livestock itself. We have plenty of water from the river. Over the years the problem has been there was discordance between government policies and people's wishes. The policy was trying to turn herdsmen to farmers and put policies towards this.

This in my view is counterproductive and self-defeating. If we put resource to better the condition of our livestock so that they are disease-free and well fed throughout the year then we can compete in the international markets like Botswana and other livestock based economies in the world. This will be my focus so that our people can be allowed and assisted for them to do what they can do best.

WDN: Statistics indicate that Garissa County has the highest concentration of livestock in east and central Africa yet little revenue is generated from livestock marketing sales to revive the county. Do you have any answer to the causes of this pathetic economic drain?

AF: It is true our livestock population has little value to sustain our economic power base. First of all this is because the government has no input into the production of the livestock. The local authorities just go to the market to milk the local farmer without any input. This is an industry that can sustain the nation if managed properly.

I will, in this regard, allocate specific resource to both stimulate production as well as marketing and market environment. I believe this will be attainable within the first five years.

WDN: Tell us how you are different from current and past legislatures when it comes to overturning the decline visible in your constituency?

AF: In the past resource mobilization was donor or Government dependent. I will endeavor to raise resource locally, nationally, and internationally. In the past, resource allocation was done without a laid strategy or agreed upon plan. The allocation will be broad based and with priorities set by the community. In the past, resource utilization was geared towards self-interest, individual favors, and lacked transparency. It will be my duty to make sure resource is utilized efficiently.

WDN: Dujis constituency has the hallmarks of inter-tribal rivalry and blood feuds. What measures do you have in place to prevent such incidents from happening again in the future?

AF: This is true but in a small scale. Such conflicts are as a result of poor governance and lack of equity in the distribution of resources. I will establish constituency committee in clan relations and will monitor resource distribution so there is transparency and equity in all community projects. This will avoid frustration that can lead to violence and groupings.

WDN: The absence of visible infrastructure and industrialization may be blamed for the massive unemployment in your constituency. Could you tell our esteemed readers if you have any manifested plans for resolving this negative scenario.

AF: Unemployment is real in our area, but again is self made or rather a state of mind. For example, there are over 100,000 men and women who come to the region from only lower eastern province for jobs and close to 30% of these are in Dujis constituency yet our youth are unemployed. People are mostly employed by the private sector and if the government wants to create jobs the direction is to commission massive projects.

If the youth don’t want to work at the construction industry, if they don’t want to work at the farming industry, if they will not work at the manufacturing industry then there is a problem.

We need to educate our youth both those who went to school and those who did not that if they are willing to work hard for a whole day it is ok to make cement blocks or water flowers. We need to empower them with the skills of modern workforce and organize them accordingly. We need to give them support both financial and technical for them to move forward. Once we have made this shift then we can create jobs.

WDN: Women, children, and minorities have been neglected for a long time due to the lack of state subsidies that could be used to elevate their living standards. Compared to other regions of Kenya, child mortality rates in your constituency display grim statistics. Do you have a feasible action plan to resuscitate this marginalized group within the society you plan to represent? If so, how will you implement it?

AF: Improving the demographic health status of a community is multi-dimensional. It could be health related or other social determinants of health. At present, our main challenge in the provision of healthcare is getting service providers. There are many facilities; the government has put effort in availing necessary equipment and drugs. Where we have major problem is the staffing of the facilities and public education on the utilization of available services.

We will improve this by putting resource into the existing medical training college so that the enrollment includes many cadres and there is deliberate bias towards locals to boost the numbers very fast. It will also be prudent to recruit students right from the schools so that we have targeted numbers over a period of time.

WDN: Lamenting on the poor educational standards of Kenya-Somalis, one Kenyan president was quoted as saying in Kiswahili: “elimu ya Msomali haipiti form four”. This statement simply translates to “a Somali's education terminates in the fourth form (twelfth grade in high school)”. It is a statement that seems to hold water because your constituency lags behind other regions in higher education. Due to government neglect and widespread malfeasance, the yearly quota system allocated to your constituency is not commensurate with the explosive population of high school graduates. Tell us how you plan to create an institution of higher learning and the projected impact it will have on your constituents who lack equal employment opportunities.

AF: We do have institutions of higher learning and middle level colleges in Garissa. There is the teachers college, the medical training center, The NEP technical college, NEP college of Health Sciences, and Umul-Qura Islamic University. In addition, the University of Nairobi, Moi University, and Kenyatta University have affiliate colleges in Garissa. There is also the proposed NEP university college which has been budgeted for but has not started functions.

The point is, getting admission to higher education is not a major problem but the handicap is lack of resource to assure continuity to the young man and young woman. Our community even those who are blessed with riches, education is not a priority. I intend to create a scholarship fund that can be accessed by all students and ensure all graduates of high school are able to go to the institutions of their choice and develop a career of their choice.

WDN: Issuance of national identity cards to Kenya-Somalis has long been a burning issue in all sectors of society. Prevalence of graft in the office having jurisdiction over the processing of ID cards has left many Kenya-Somalis in a state of deprivation and statelessness. Recently, the Kenya Government announced that two million ID cards will be distributed to eligible Kenyans of legal age. If elected, how will you influence the Kenya government to preserve the inalienable rights of Kenya-Somalis as regards national identity?

AF: This is an issue that touches many hearts and souls and is an issue that has far reaching impact than the eye can see. I believe that ID as it is used today is a colonial hangover that needs to be eliminated totally. It is an entry point of all corrupt deals whether from a chief, a vetting committee, the police or even the registration officers. It merits no significance since it is not tied to any social benefit. It is an immigration document that has for long time become a police tool. The rules of getting one are based on discrimination and lacks clear guidance.

Despite all this, it is mandatory for all Kenyans over the age of 18 years to have one. Ordinarily, a citizen should just walk into an office and declare his/her age, fill a form and just get it or be told on when to come for it. At present there is a vetting committee and the requirements change from region to region. The issuance and availability of the registration team is also controlled and very slow in going to certain areas. I will lobby for a change in the system. I will agitate for equity and equality. I will advocate for law, order, justice and respect for the rights of individual citizen. Above all, I will stand for the rights of the people of Garissa.

WDN: Thanks for sharing your time with our esteemed readers.

AF: Thank you for providing me the opportunity to share my plan for Dujis Constituency

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An Interview with Major Gen. Ahmed Sheikh Farah of the Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC) of Kenya

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Editor's Note: WardheerNews has the pleasure to present an interview with Major General Ahmed Sheikh Farah of the Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC) of Kenya. The focus of the interview centers around past injustices and gross human rights violations committed against Kenya-Somalis and other Kenyans. The commission formed to carryout investigations on the human rights violations, covers the period after independence, from December 12, 1963 to February 28, 2008.

The 2007 disputed election between the current Prime Minister, Raila Odinga, and President Mwai Kibaki left thousands of civilians dead and over 650,000 displaced. Important historical aspects covered in this interview include the infamous Wagalla Massacre of 1984, where the Kenya Army gunned down a large number of defenseless Kenya-Somalis. The decorated and outspoken Major General is a veteran naval officer and former Kenyan naval commander and Chief of Operations, Dept of Defense. The interview is insightful, and informative.
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WardheerNews (WDN): Could you please give us some background information on the reasons behind the creation of the Kenya Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC).

Major Gen. Ahmed Sh. Farah (Gen. Farah): The Truth and Reconciliation Commissions (TJRCs) were created for countries which emerged from civil wars or from dictatorships where there have been history of gross human right violations. In the world, TJRCs were held in the following countries: Chile, Peru, Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone and South Africa to mention but a few. In Kenya, fifteen (15) years of Kenyatta reign and twenty four years (24) of Moi regime saw violations of human rights on a grand scale. In the elections of 2002, the people of Kenya put aside their tribal differences and elected overwhelmingly the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) party and Mwai Kibaki the leader as President. The people of Kenya were at that time described as the most hopeful people in the world.

The NARC government constituted a commission under the Chairmanship of a Kenyan, Professor Makau Mutua, Dean of the Faculty of Law in New York University to collect views of the Kenyan Public whether the country needs a Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission to reconcile and heal the nation. 85% of Kenyans said yes but, as all this happened in 2004, the TJRC was not formed because of the political parties’ standoff in the writing of the new constitution. The referendum on the constitution writing in 2005 and the rejection of the government proposed constitution made matters worse, hence there was no political will to create the TJRC. The bungled elections of 2007 where the people of Kenya fought one another leading to the unfortunate death of 1,300 innocent civilians and the subsequent displacement of 650,000 people (IDPs) followed by the Eminent African Leaders Mediation between the two competing parties led to the formation of a coalition government and signing of the Reconciliation Accord.

The formation of the TJRC was agreed upon at the signing of the accord in 2008. Hence TJRC was formed in July 2009. The Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission is mandated to inquire into gross human rights violations and other historical injustices in Kenya between December 12, 1963 and 28 February 2008. The TJRC is part of the accountability component of Agenda Four of the National Accord that ended post election violence in Kenya. By addressing the cause and effects of historical injustices and gross violations of human rights, the TJRC will contribute towards national unity reconciliation and healing.


WDN: The Commission comprises of nine members. How did the selection of the officials happen and what were the determining factors?

Gen. Farah: The TJRC Act of 2008, section 10 states that the commission shall consist of nine (9) commissioners’ three (3) of whom shall be non-citizens, one of them being the opposite gender, selected by a panel of civic society and stakeholders of transactional justice. The positions of the six (6) Kenyans were publicly advertised with the required qualifications clearly outlined and are stipulated in the TJRC Act section nine (9). Twelve (12) applicants out of three hundred (300) applicants were shortlisted and the interviews were carried out by the panel representing the key stakeholders including civil society. Nine (9) names were then selected by Parliament and presented to the President. The President selected six (6) and chose one among them to be the Chair. Three of the six Kenyan Commissioners were to be of the opposite gender. The Commissioners elected the Vice-Chair who had to be the opposite gender to the chair.

WDN: Is the Commission independent from the Kenya Government’s influence?

Gen. Farah: It is stipulated in the Commissions Act section 7 that the Commission shall have all the powers necessary for the execution of its functions under the Act and shall not be subject to the direction or control of any other person or authority. The Act further states in section 21(1) that in the performance of its functions under the Act the Commission shall not be subject to the control or direction of any person or authority. That is how the Commission is really independent.

WDN: To investigate human rights violations in an African or in a nascent democracy is a daunting task, particularly when investigating in a wide time range such as from 1963 to 2008. How much cooperation or access do you get from Kenyan Government?

Gen. Farah: Information is accessible for the Commission including reports of previous commissions of inquiry as well as vital state information which is either available from the National Archives or from the records of the various Ministries and Government bodies.

Information in areas relevant to the TJRC’s mandate has so far been made available to us or we obtained it through our research and investigation departments. The commission has the power to gather, by any means it deems appropriate, any information it considers relevant from any source including government authorities and to compel the production of such information as and when necessary as outlined in TJRC section 7 of 2008 Act.

WDN: What are the challenges and accomplishments the Commission faced so far?

Gen. Farah: Major challenges to the commission include: inadequate funding and controversy surrounding the credibility of the Chairperson Ambassador Bethuel Kiplagat as well as opposition from some civil society organization over the same. Funding has since been streamlined and the Chairperson stepped aside to enable tribunal investigations of credibility issues and civil society engaging and supporting TJRC. In regard to achievements, 304 statement takers were deployed countrywide. The commission received 30,000 statements from individuals; the highest for any truth commission. Likewise, the commission received 300 memorandums from various groups countrywide. Hearings have been held in Northern Kenya and Mt. Elgon. The hearings were both public and in camera sections for women. TJRC is an engendered commission at the commissioner and secretariat levels. The Secretariat headed by a CEO with 7 Directors for investigation, Research, Administration and Finance, Communication, Civic Education and Special Support (to ensure women and minorities issues are not overlooked). Women, minorities, the disabled and even victims are well represented in the structure of the commission.

WDN: What can you tell us about Wagalla Massacre that took place on Feb. 10, 1984 where it is reported over 5000 Somali Kenyans were killed by the Kenya Army?

Gen. Farah: In the latter half of 1983 and early 1984 there were a lot of banditry, cattle rustling and clan animosities in Northern Kenya. A lot of small arms influx from the 1977/78 Somalia-Ethiopian War was finding its way into the Province for over four to five years. In Wajir, the Degodia and Ajuran sub-clans were fighting over resources, pasture land and water. Besides, there was a prolonged drought in 1983/1984. In November 1983, the Degodias killed a number of Ajuran men and women. On 8th February 1984 the Kenyan Intelligence Committee, the Provincial Security Committee and the Wajir District Committee met in Wajir and authorized the Degodia to be disarmed. The operation was carried out by rounding up all male adult Degodia men from the whole District and assembled them at Wagalla Airstrip. This was done on 10th February, 1984. Thousands of men were held at the Airstrip for four days i.e. 10-13 Feb 1984 without water or food. A lot of men died of thirst, others of heat stroke and others of bullet fire as they tried to run away. The Kenya Government claims only 57 men died while other sources claim 5000; however we managed to establish 381 authentic deaths.


WDN: What was the mood of Kenya-Somalis at the time?

Gen. Farah: Helpless, subdued, marginalized, and brutalized and they felt as if they were being ruled by powerful people who hated them.

WDN: The Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission has recently held hearings in Wajir while the survivors of the massacre gave testimony on the horrific events at Wagalla, knowing that investigations are still ongoing. What can you tell us about those hearings?

Gen. Farah: The TJRC recently held hearings in Northern Kenya i.e. Garissa, Wajir, Mandera, Moyale, Marsabit and Isiolo formerly known as Northern Frontier Districts (NFD). Massacres, extra judicial killings, rape, abduction, torture and other gross human rights violations occurred in all of them. The hearings for the people responsible for these atrocities will be held in early June. This is ongoing and I cannot say much on this matter until concluded in the future.

WDN: It was reported that Benson Kaaria, the former Provincial Commissioner of North Eastern Province was not present at the hearings. Does your commission have the jurisdiction to force those who were involved and whom the Commission deems necessary to question at the Commission inquiries?

Gen. Farah: Benson Kaaria as well as those other officials who were adversely mentioned as perpetrators have been summoned and will appear before the Commission first week of June. It is an ongoing process and I cannot comment or predict the outcome.

WDN: What are the processes by which the Commission may recommend amnesty or prosecution or in other words would Mr. Benson Kaaria and others that were involved in the massacre ever face justice if proven crimes were committed at Wagalla against ethnic Somalis?

Gen. Farah: I know you are concentrating on Wagalla alone but a lot of atrocities were committed by Government officials on behalf of the state on innocent citizens countrywide. The Commission will certainly recommend prosecution for those who will be found culpable. There will not be any amnesty for those who committed gross human rights violation. The Act forbids this. However, there are others who were responsible for other human right violations, and are willing to spill the beans and tell it all and are remorseful. Then the amnesty sub-committee of the Commission will consider and may recommend amnesty under certain conditions e.g. corruption cases where the perpetrators admit to tell it all and are willing to return all or portion of the looted money or property. Such cases are provided in the act to be considered by the commission.

WDN: If you were to contrast, the Kenyan-Somali of the eighties with the present day Somali Kenyans, is there any progress in the form of representation in government?

Gen. Farah: Absolutely. The Somali Kenyan representation in Government is very good now. Nothing compared to the 1980’s. Those were bad years unlike now.That is why the TJRC process has been accepted by the people of the Northern Region in order to bury the past and heal the people as we enter a new era of devolution of government and new constitutional order with satisfactory bill of rights.

WDN: Thank you Gen. Farah for giving us this opportunity to have this interview with you.

Gen. Farah: You are well come and thank you for giving me the platform to highlight the work of the Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC) of Kenya.

Interview with Ali Bunow Korane who is Vying for the Governorship of Garissa County, North Eastern Province, Kenya

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Editor's Note: With the promulgation of a new constitution for the Republic of Kenya, the political landscape of North Eastern Province, a region dominated by Kenya-Somalis, is about to change. What was once Garissa District has now become Garissa County. Among the political aspirants for the position of Governorship is Mr. Ali Bunow Korane, a figure who is well revered in the region. WardheerNews had the pleasure to interview Mr. Korane himself.

Wardheernews (WDN): Mr. Korane, can you briefly tell us about your background?

Ali Bunow Korane (ABK): I am a son of Garissa County with 25 years government experience at administrative, policy, and security management levels. I have various certificates, Diplomas, three academic degrees; one Bachelor and two Masters and currently pursuing a Masters in Business Administration (MBA).

WDN: Could you please give us specific information on the circumstances that led you to run for the position of governor for Garissa County?

ABK: The concept of a devolved government is a new one mooted under the recently promulgated constitution. The setting up of a government at the county level will face a number of challenges. While the challenges to be faced by the counties are common for all the 47 counties nationwide, the pastoralist counties of which Garissa is one will face tremendous challenges. Among these are:

The counties are already victims of low intensity wars over resources and these will be exacerbated by the new contest for positions and resources allocation.
Clan structures and family allegiance have overtime emerged as the strongest basis for political mobilization. The resultant stiff competition for positions and resources will likely further marginalize minority clans and others often classified as peripheral and corner tribes groupings.
Weak and ineffective institutional capacity, the low levels of education and the migration of the professional class to Nairobi has left the local leadership in the hands of semi-literate mediocre individuals.
Poor infrastructure, large land mass, environmental degradation and clan settlement patterns will generally pose serious challenges thus compromising the process of political mobilization.
To address these challenges I believe requires a leadership with the requisite experience in government, management and above all a clear understanding of the people and their aspiration. After careful reflection I have concluded I am the right person for the challenging governor’s job.

WDN: In the past, district leadership was based on nomination by the decree of the president, recently that system has changed. What can you tell us about the current system of electing the governor?

ABK: The Governor under the new constitution will be elected by the whole of Garissa County as a single constituency. Once elected he/she will be the executive, administrative, and political head of the county government. He/she will be assisted by a County Executive Committee (cabinet) appointed by him/her and approved by an elected county assembly. The county government will be independent in its operations and will not be subordinate to the National government.

WDN: How many candidates are currently listed to run for the post, and do they represent various parties or they are independent?

ABK: Although there are three individuals who have so far indicated interest in the seat, this is not entirely indicative of the final number of candidates when election comes next year. Candidates can run as party members or as independents.

WDN: What is your political party?

ABK: I am in the party of National unity which is a coalition of many parties. It is likely that this party will transform into another alliance of parties closer to election.

WDN: Kenya is considered one of Africa's largest economy and East Africa's economic powerhouse, yet the Somali inhabited region is lagging behind the rest of the country. What do you think are causes of the lack of progress and development in Kenya's North Eastern province?

ABK: North Eastern Kenya has had a sad history of marginalization in both pre and post independence periods of Kenya’s history. This is due to a combination of factors including oppressive government policies; poor leadership, environmental factors and perennial low intensity inter clan resource conflicts, among others.

WDN: Why is it that the concerns and interests of the Ethnic Somalis were not voiced, particularly when there are many Kenya-Somalis in the high ranks of government?

ABK: Somalis have occupied two levels of senior positions in the Kenya Government. These were at political and civil service levels. At the civil service levels they were policy implementers mainly serving other Kenyans in parts outside North Eastern Kenya. It was the responsibility of elected political leaders to influence government policy towards the Somalis. Unfortunately they failed to deliver on this score.

WDN: If you were to be elected governor, how are you going to enhance the growth of the county notably by eradicating extreme poverty and hunger and educating the mass, combating diseases and violation of human rights, developmental and self-sufficiency programs?

ABK: The social situation in the county is very grave on any measure of human development. The extreme poverty level, currently estimated at 71% of the population negatively affects every aspect of life. There have also been large scale human rights abuses by the security forces over the years. I am determined to make my contribution in reversing the suffering of our people.

WDN: How will you create peace and harmony and advance inter-county partnership among people who have been separated by self-interest politics ever since independence and the sweeping martial law?

ABK: Without peace and inter clan harmony there can be no meaningful development in the county. The source of conflict is two fold: Politics and environmental. Also, we see conflicts created by political incitement and those created by competition for scarce resources. I will deal ruthlessly with any opportunistic political inciters and introduce measures to mitigate against environmental factors.

WDN: What commitments will you make to save women and children and the environment of the county you are vying for?

ABK: In any hardship social situation, the greatest suffering goes to the women and children. In our county the effects of extreme poverty, poor access to education and health and conflicts have been felt most by our women and children. My heart bleeds for them and I am determined to improve their situation if elected.

WDN: How will you empower young professionals who completed high schools and colleges to either get jobs or advance their education?

ABK: Since independence our region was left behind in education. Fortunately, our people have now appreciated the value of education and are making efforts to educate their children under difficult circumstances. Unfortunately these positive efforts have coincided with times of serious unemployment. I will endeavor to support the efforts of the parents by introducing generous bursaries, sponsorships, and employment creation initiatives.

WDN: Recent Kenya census indicated growth of ethnic Somalis, yet Garissa which is among the biggest cities in Kenya and the largest in the Somali inhabited region does not have a university. To expand the opportunity of higher education, does your plan include establishing the first university in North Eastern Kenya? Or in other words, why has a university with remarkable faculties not been established in North Eastern Kenya?

ABK: The failure to establish a fully fledged university in North Eastern is part of the many policy failures, neglect, and marginalization by successive Kenya governments. As governor I am determined to reverse this policy. I have in the past immensely contributed to the development of education in the county. I spearheaded the establishment of public secondary schools, established the first private elementary school in the county, recently opened the first private girl’s high school and intend to build a boys high school and a college this year. With this firm foundation in education, I am determined to establish the first public university in Garissa county.

WDN: Good luck Mr. Ali Buno Korane in your political endeavors and thanks for giving WDN your precious time.

ABK: Thanks WDN for giving me the time to share with you my views and ideas.

WardheerNews
Send comments to: admin@wardheernews.com

Kenya’s Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission: A Political Gimmick or a Plausible Undertaking?

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For a period close to a century, Kenya’s North Eastern and Eastern Provinces hereafter referred to as NEP and EP remained volatile, underdeveloped, and deliberately isolated by successive Kenya administrations. For years, residents of these two vast, sparsely populated regions inhabited by Hamito-Cushitic nomads have been subjected to years of extrajudicial killings, summary and arbitrary executions, torture, rape and violence against women, plunder and livestock confiscations by Kenya’s dreaded security operatives with instructions from the central headquarters in Nairobi. Yet, these calculated and disturbing ethnic cleansings failed to grab the attention of the international community despite a few concerned media outlets publicizing repeatedly for years the callous practices of the Kenya government.

Kenya-Somalis and their cousins of like-semblance have been living under the reign of terror since Kenya’s attainment of independence from Britain in 1963 and yet not a single universal sovereign entity dared come to their rescue or raised objections at these appalling and aggravating military adventures. Kenya’s inhuman and reprehensible acts against its innocent, peace loving citizens continued unabated even with the knowledge of the Organization of African Union, (currently the African Union) based in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia - Kenya’s next door neighbor. “The brutality of the implementation of emergency powers in the North Eastern Province; and the discriminatory "screening" of ethnic Somalis” has been documented by Amnesty International. (1)

The crux of past massacres in the region has colonial roots. NEP and EP were formerly Somali territories as they fell under the Northern Frontier District (NFD) during British colonial rule. The region was split into two after Kenya became independent with Moyale, Marsabit, and Isiolo becoming part of Eastern Province. Despite majority of NFD residents opting for unification with Somalia in a referendum, the colonial administration ruled in favor of Kenya. British colonial government’s refusal to grant self-determination to NFD resulted from its fear of neighboring Italian Somaliland. Italy, a colonial power with irredentist tendencies was an avowed enemy of the British realm. This political miscalculation by the British crown resulted in prolonged simmering border clashes and the birth of the destructive Shifta war. The devastating Bale Revolt of 1963 in Ethiopia culminated in the signing of a Mutual Defense Treaty between Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya and Haile Selassie of Ethiopia in 1964. Regarding Somali irredentism, Lord Earl Lytton of the British monarchy of the time, had this to say about Greater Somalia:

“The idea of a Greater Somalia has been put forward by four eminent people at various times. First, there was Sir Charles Elliot, one of our greatest administrators in Kenya, about 1904. Then there was Mohammed Abdilla Hassan, commonly known as "The Mad Mullah", between 1899 and 1920. He is one of the greatest of the Somali poets. Then, the idea has been put forward by the Emperor of Ethiopia on a number of occasions, always with the intention of incorporating the entire Horn of Africa within the Ethiopian Empire. Finally, there was Mr. Ernest Bevin in 1946, and what he said is on record in Hansard.” (2)

Though preceded by many human rights violations spanning many decades, the worst and most brutal skirmishes perpetrated by the military and police of post-independence Kenya in the region’s history occurred during the reigns of autocrats Mzee Jomo Kenyatta (1963-1978) and Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi (1978-2002) respectively. Moi who belongs to the Kalenjin tribe and Nilotic according to categorization of African tribes by colonial Anthropologists was vice-president at the time of Kenyatta’s death. Despite opposition from influential Kikuyu leaders generally known as ‘Kiambu Mafia’ and who were of the same tribe with the deceased president, Moi ascended the presidency immediately with little internal resistance.

Forty-eight years later, President Mwai Kibaki, a man who was vice-president and minister on various occasions when these atrocities occurred, endorsed the formation of a Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission to divulge into the extent of enormities of past acts of violence committed against the people of the said region. Surviving families whose loved ones perished in the calculated, remorseless security skirmishes continue to pour into avenues reserved for a commission on a fact-finding mission. At first, Kenya-Somalis became skeptical of the make-up of the commission after realizing the presence of Bethuel Kiplagat who is perceived to have blood-stained hands and implicated in the masterminding of past massacres. The commission, drawn from cadres having differing professions even includes a high profile Somali, Major General Ahmed Sheikh Farah, a retired Kenya Navy Commander. They have so far traversed the province beginning their initial assignment in Garissa, a city that has suffered the brunt of Kenya’s premeditated repression. They have been listening to and documenting testimonies from various sectors of the Somali community.

NFD as a region predates Kenya’s colonial history. However, demarcation of the international boundary between colonial Kenya and Abyssinia (Ethiopia) was completed in 1903. In 1925-1926, after Jubaland was transferred to Italian Somaliland, border marking was finalized between colonial Kenya and Italy. (3)

With living conditions dictated by weather patterns, pastoral nomads from NFD and elsewhere in the Horn of Africa travelled between unsecured borders in search of pasture for their livestock. Apart from the search for greener pasture, it is these unrestricted travels and peripatetic lifestyles that rejuvenated the ungovernable male Bedouins’ search for brides and bridal paraphernalia, saints and saintly practices, war implements and other valuable provisions.

The region’s fight for separation from Kenya kicked-off before Kenya proclaimed independence. Freedom fighters and founders of the Northern Province People’s Progressive Party (NPPP), the main party that represented the region’s political aspirations, hailed from a variety of tribes. Among them was Alex Kholkholle, a man who was held in high esteem by the colonial administration and the Somalis themselves. A Rendille by tribe and teacher by training, Alex, who was the Vice-President of NPPP favored separation from Kenya and unconditional union with Somalia. The Borana (also referred to as Galla), a tribal group that populates Moyale and Marsabit towns respectively, fielded the indomitable Wako Hapi, doyen of separatism and armed struggle. While Kenya security forces restrained the Shifta uprising from spilling into its border, Ethiopia, on the other hand, had a stranglehold on natives spanning its border. To have a glimpse of Ethiopia’s past imperialist goals toward its own people, one needs to read the views of the honorable British Lord uttered in 1963 in the following lines:

“Ethiopia, within to-day's political boundaries, is, in a small part, the ancient Abyssinian Kingdoms of history, and, in a much larger part, the colonies conquered by the Emperor Melinek II, who was more or less a contemporary of Gladstone. The colonies are approximately the same age as our own. They are Somali and Galla. The only difference is that whereas we label our places as "colonies", the Ethiopians have described them as one Ethiopian people, and from time to time they say they are historically part of Ethiopia. That is not true.” (4)

President Mwai Kibaki selected Bethuel Kiplagat to head the commission in 2009. However, Kiplagat was forced to resign in November 2010 after Kenyan’s of all walks of life decried his past inhuman practices. In a letter to Justice Minister Mutula Kilonzo, the nine commissioners of the TJ&RC, citing powers conferred on them by the Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Act, asked for the removal of Kiplagat as chairman of the commission. He was subsequently replaced by Tecla Namachanja as acting chairperson. Factors that led to Kiplagat’s expulsion from the commission include illegal or irregular acquisition of land; the assassination of the Honorable Robert Ouko, and the Wagalla Massacre." (5) Because he was ruined by the same injustices he was supposed to investigate, Kiplagat issued a short statement that read in part: "In order to allow the tribunal to carry out its mandate, I am, therefore, as of today, stepping aside from my day to day responsibilities at the TJRC." (6)

Kiplagat, a born-again Christian and former deputy general secretary of the National Council of Churches of Kenya, is accused of having been party to atrocities in Isiolo, Wajir, Malka Mari, and Garissa when he was in charge of security operations. The Wagalla massacre of 1984 happened during his tenure of office. Ironically, Kiplagat was Kenya's envoy to Somalia during Somalia's turbulent years (2003-05) until he was relieved by Ambassador Mohamed Affey, a Kenyan-Somali parliamentarian. I wonder how this man's heinous crimes escaped the attention of the Somali people all those years. Those critical of Moi’s autocratic rule implicate Kiplagat in the gruesome murder of Robert Ouko, Kenya’s Minister for Foreign Affairs, at the foot of Got Alila Hill near his country home in Nyanza Province bordering Lake Victoria. Likewise, his critics raise questions regarding his past relations with British business magnate Tiny Rowland and his Lornho conglomerate, and also his association with Mozambican rebels, Renamo. (7)

Benson Kaaria, a man with no apology for past injustices in the region he commanded was the Provincial Commissioner (PC) for North Eastern Province during the Wagalla Massacre of 1984. All those officials who had a grip on the running of the province and who have been implicated in the horrible incidents meted on the poor, unarmed civilians of North Eastern and Eastern Provinces have distanced themselves from any wrongdoing. In the past, commissions after commissions evolved with government blessings. In the end, it was the commissioners who proudly walked to the banks with bursts of laughter without any sorts of resolutions to the issues investigated. I don’t see any sense in the existence of the Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission currently in full swing.

Adan Makina
WardheerNews, Kansas City
E-Mail: Adan.makina@gmail.com

References

(1) Kenya: Taking Liberties, Yale University Press, 1991, p.269.

(2) Northern Frontier District of Kenya, HL Deb 03 April 1963 vol. 248 cc600-36, Retrieved June 15, 2011 from http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/lords/1963/apr/03/northern-frontier-district-of-kenya.

(3) Gufu Oba, Professor, Noragric, Department of International Environment and Development Studies, The Norwegian University of Life Sciences PO Box 5003, N-1432 Ås, Norway. Ethnic Conflicts on Ethiopia-Kenya Frontier: The Northern Frontier District of Kenya from 1903-1934, a draft Paper prepared for PRIO Seminar on NORKLIMA Project, Noragric.

(4) Presentation of Earl Lytton before the British Parliament on 03 April 1963. Further readings available from http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/lords/1963/apr/03/northern-frontier-district-of-kenya, Retrieved June 15, 2011.

(5) Kenya: Truth Team Wants Kiplagat Out, Retrieved June 15, 2011 from http://allafrica.com/stories/201004130975.html

(6) Ex-diplomat, church official, resigns as head of Kenya truth body by Fred Nzwili, Retrieved June 15, 2011 from http://www.christiancentury.org/article/2010-11/ex-diplomat-church-official-resigns-head-kenya-truth-body.

(7) Bethuel Kiplagat: Former Chairman of Kenya's Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission, Retrieved June 15, 2011from http://www.africa-confidential.com/whos-who-profile/id/360/Bethuel-Kiplagat.

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